Ascending the throne The young Antiochus Epiphanes likely died of an illness. Alexander II, whose earliest coins from the capital are dated to 184 SE (129/128 BC), probably landed in northern Syria with Ptolemaic support and declared himself king, taking Antioch in the process; the fall of the capital probably took place in spring 128 BC. According to Justin's epitome, the Syrians were ready to accept any king other than Demetrius II. Probably soon after capturing Antioch, Alexander II incorporated
Laodicea ad mare and
Tarsus into his domains. Other cities, such as
Apamea, had already freed themselves from Demetrius II during his Egyptian campaign and did not come immediately under Alexander II's authority.
Epithets and royal image Hellenistic kings did not use
regnal numbers, which is a modern practice; instead, they used epithets to distinguish themselves from similarly named monarchs. The majority of Alexander II's coins did not feature an epithet, but the 125 BC series of gold staters bore the epithets
Theos Epiphanes (god manifest) and
Nikephoros (bearer of victory). Three bronze issues, one of them minted in
Seleucia Pieria, are missing the epithet
Theos but retain
Epiphanes and
Nikephoros. Those epithets, an echo of those of Antiochus IV's, served to emphasise the legitimacy of Alexander II as a Seleucid king.
Alexander the Great (d. 323 BC), founder of the
Macedonian Empire, was an important figure in the Hellenistic world; his successors used his legacy to establish their legitimacy. Alexander the Great never had his image minted on his own coins, but his successors, such as the Ptolemaics, sought to associate themselves with him; cities were named after him, and his image appeared on coins. In contrast, the memory of Alexander the Great was not important for Seleucid royal ideology. However, Alexander I and Alexander II, both having Egyptian support, were the only Seleucid kings who paid particular attention to Alexander the Great by depicting themselves wearing the lion scalp, a motif closely connected to the Macedonian king. By associating himself with Alexander the Great, Alexander II was continuing the practice of Alexander I, who used the theme of Alexander the Great to strengthen his legitimacy. on its obverse The native Syro-Phoenician religious complex was based on triads that included a supreme god, a supreme goddess, and their son; the deities taking those roles were diverse. It is possible that by 145 BC Dionysus took the role of the son. The
Levant was a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural region, but the religious complex was a unifying force. The Seleucid monarchs understood the possibility of using this complex to expand their support base amongst the locals by integrating themselves into the triads. Usage of the radiate crown, a sign of divinity, by the Seleucid kings, probably carried a message: that the king was the consort of
Atargatis, Syria's supreme goddess. The radiate crown was utilised for the first time at an unknown date by Antiochus IV, who chose
Hierapolis-Bambyce, the most important sanctuary of Atargatis, to ritually marry
Diana, considered a manifestation of the Syrian goddess in the Levant. Alexander I's nickname, Balas, was probably used by the king himself. It is the Greek rendering of
Ba'al, the Levant's supreme god. By using such an epithet, Alexander I was declaring himself the embodiment of Ba'al. Alexander I also used the radiate crown to indicate his ritual marriage to the supreme goddess. Alexander II made heavy use of the motifs of Dionysus in his coins. It is possible that, by utilising Dionysus, the son of the supreme god, Alexander II presented himself as the spiritual successor of his god-father, in addition to being his political heir.
Policy One of Alexander II's first acts was the burial of Antiochus VII's remains which were returned by the Parthians. Burying the fallen king earned Alexander II the acclaim of Antioch's citizens; it was probably a calculated move aiming at gaining the support of Antiochus VII's loyal men. The seventh century chronicler
John of Antioch wrote that following Antiochus VII's death, his son Seleucus ascended the throne and was quickly deposed by Demetrius II and fled to Parthia. Historian
Auguste Bouché-Leclercq criticised this account, which is problematic and could be a version of Demetrius II's Parthian captivity corrupted by John of Antioch. However, it is possible that a son of Antiochus VII named Seleucus was captured by the Parthians along with his father and was later sent with Antiochus VII's remains to take the throne of Syria as a Parthian protégé. If this scenario happened, then Seleucus was faced by Alexander II and had to return to Parthia. e on a coin of Alexander II Since he ascended the throne with Egyptian help, Alexander II was under Ptolemaic influence, which was manifested in the appearance of the Egyptian style double
filleted cornucopiae on the Syrian coinage. In Egypt, the double cornucopiae on coins might have been a reference to the union between the king and his consort. If the appearance of cornucopiae on Alexander II's coinage was connected to Ptolemaic practices, then it can be understood that Alexander II might have married a Ptolemaic princess, though such a marriage is not recorded by ancient literature. According to Diodorus Siculus, Alexander II was "kindly and of a forgiving nature, and moreover was gentle in speech and in manners, wherefore he was deeply beloved by the common people". Diodorus Siculus wrote that three of Alexander II's officers, Antipater, Klonios, and Aeropos, rebelled and entrenched themselves in Laodicea. Alexander II defeated the rebels and recaptured the city; he pardoned the culprits. Bouché-Leclercq suggested that this rebellion took place in 128 BC and that the officers either defected to Demetrius II's side, were working for the son of Antiochus VII, or were instigated in their rebellion by Cleopatra Thea.
War against Demetrius II Between August 127 BC and August 126 BC, Ptolemy VIII regained Alexandria; Cleopatra II fled to Demetrius II with the treasury of Egypt. Despite Alexander II's success in taking the capital, Demetrius II retained
Cilicia, and Seleucia Pieria remained loyal to him, so did many cities in
Coele-Syria; this led Alexander II to launch a campaign in the region. The armies of the two kings passed through Judea causing a plight for the inhabitants. This led the Jews to send an embassy to Rome demanding "the prohibition of the marching of royal soldiers through the Jewish territory 'and that of their subjects"; the embassy was between c. 127–125 BC. By October 126 BC,
Ashkelon fell into Alexander II's hands. Numismatic evidence indicates that
Samaria came under Alexander II's control. In the beginning of 125 BC, Demetrius II was defeated near
Damascus and fled to
Ptolemais. Cleopatra Thea refused to allow her husband to stay in the city, so he headed to
Tyre on board a ship. Demetrius II asked for
temple asylum in Tyre, but was killed by the city's commander (
praefectus) in the spring or summer of 125 BC. Alexander II minted bronze coins depicting him with an elephant scalp headdress on the obverse, and an
aphlaston appears on the reverse; this can mean that Alexander II claimed a naval victory. The sea battle between Alexander II and Demetrius II, which is not documented in ancient literature, may have occurred only during the voyage of Demetrius II from Ptolemais to Tyre. The elephant scalp headdress was a theme in Alexander the Great's posthumous coinage minted by his successors. According to Ehling, by appearing with the elephant scalp, Alexander II alluded to Alexander the Great's conquest of Tyre which took place in 332 BC after seven months of siege. The 125 BC gold staters containing Alexander II's epithets were probably struck to celebrate his victory over Demetrius II.
Relations with Judea Under Antiochus VII, the Judean high-priest and ruler
John Hyrcanus I acquired the status of a
vassal prince, paying tribute and minting his coinage in the name of the Syrian monarch. Following Antiochus VII's death, John Hyrcanus I ceased paying the tribute and minted coinage bearing his own name, but ties were kept with the Seleucid kingdom through
monograms, representing Seleucid kings, that appeared on the early coins. The dating of this event is conjectural, with the earliest date possible 129 BC but more likely 128 BC. Demetrius II apparently planned an invasion of Judea, which was halted due to the king's failed invasion of Egypt and the uprising that erupted in Syria. According to Josephus, John Hyrcanus I "flourished greatly" under Alexander II's rule; apparently, the Judean leader sought an alliance with Alexander II to defend himself against Demetrius II. of
John Hyrcanus I. The letter alpha above the Jewish's leader name might represent Alexander II The 127 BC embassy sent by Judea to Rome asked the senate to force the Syrian abandonment of:
Jaffa, the
Mediterranean harbours which included
Iamnia and
Gaza, the cities of
Gazara and Pegae (near
Kfar Saba), in addition to other territories taken by King Antiochus VII. A Roman
senatus consultum (senatorial decree), preserved in Josephus's work
Antiquities of the Jews (book XIV, 250), granted the Jews their request regarding the cities, but did not mention the city of Gazara. The senatorial decree mentions the reigning Syrian king as Antiochus son of Antiochus, which can mean only
Antiochus IX, who assumed the throne in 199 SE (114/113 BC). The decree might indicate the Syrians had already abandoned Gazara in c. 187 SE (126/125 BC). This supports the notion that an agreement between Alexander II and John Hyrcanus I was signed early in the Syrian king's reign. Such a treaty would have established the alliance between Alexander II and Judea, and stipulated a territorial agreement where John Hyrcanus I received the lands south of Gazara including that city, while Alexander II maintained control over the region north of Gazara including Samaria. John Hyrcanus I recognised Alexander II as his sovereign. The earliest series of coins minted by the high priest showed the Greek letter Α (alpha) positioned prominently above John Hyrcanus I's name. The alpha must have been the first letter of a Seleucid king's name, and many scholars, such as Dan Barag, suggested that it represents Alexander II. Another clue indicating the relationship between Alexander II and John Hyrcanus I is the latter's use of the double cornucopiae motif on his coins; a pomegranate motif appeared in the centre of the cornucopiae to highlight the authority of the Jewish leader. This imagery was apparently a cautious policy by John Hyrcanus I. In case Alexander II was defeated, the Judean coins motifs were neutral enough to appease an eventual successor, while if Alexander II emerged victorious and decided to interfere in Judea, the cornucopiae coins could be used to show the king that John Hyrcanus I already accepted Alexander II's suzerainty. The high priest eventually won the independence of Judea later in Alexander II's reign; once John Hyrcanus I severed his ties with the Seleucids, the alpha was removed.
Height of power and the break with Egypt of Alexander II, minted in
Tarsus Following Demetrius II's death, Alexander II, commanding a force of forty thousand soldiers, brought Seleucia Pieria under his control. Cilicia was also conquered in 125 BC along with other regions. The coinage of Alexander II was minted in: Antioch, Seleucia Pieria, Apamea, Damascus,
Beirut, Ashkelon and Tarsus, in addition to unknown minting centers in northern Syria, southern Coele-Syria and Cilicia (coded by numismatists: uncertain mint 111, 112, 113, 114). In Ptolemais, Cleopatra Thea refused to recognise Alexander II as king; already in 187 SE (126/125 BC), the year of her husband's defeat, she struck tetradrachms in her own name as the sole monarch of Syria. Her son with Demetrius II,
Seleucus V, declared himself king, but she had him assassinated. The people of Syria did not accept a woman as the sole monarch. This led Cleopatra Thea to choose her younger son by Demetrius II, Antiochus VIII, as a co-ruler in 186 SE (125/124 BC). According to Justin, Ptolemy VIII abandoned Alexander II after the death of Demetrius II and reconciled with Cleopatra II who went back to Egypt as a co-ruler. Justin stated that Ptolemy VIII's reason for abandoning Alexander II was the latter's increased arrogance swelled by his successes that led him to treat his benefactor with insolence. The change of Ptolemaic policy probably had less to do with Ptolemy VIII's pride than with Alexander II's victories; a strong neighbour in Syria was not a desired situation for Egypt. It is also probable that Cleopatra Thea negotiated an alliance with her uncle. Soon after Cleopatra II's return, Ptolemy VIII's daughter by Cleopatra III,
Tryphaena, was married to Antiochus VIII. An Egyptian army was sent to support the faction of Antiochus VIII against AlexanderII. The return of Cleopatra II and the marriage of Antiochus VIII both took place in 124 BC.
War with Antiochus VIII, defeat and death Supported by the Egyptian troops, Antiochus VIII waged war against Alexander II, who lost most of his lands. He lost Ashkelon in 189 SE (124/123 BC). The final battle took place at an unknown location in the first half of 123 BC, ending with Alexander II's defeat. Different ancient historians presented varying accounts of Alexander II's end. Josephus merely stated that the king was defeated and killed, while Eusebius mentioned that Alexander II committed suicide with poison because he could not live with his defeat. Most details are found in the accounts of Diodorus Siculus and Justin: • In the account of Diodorus Siculus, Alexander II decided to avoid the battle with Antiochus VIII since he had no confidence in his subjects' aspirations for political change or their tolerance for the hardships that warfare would bring. Instead of fighting, Alexander II decided to take the royal treasuries, steal the valuables of the temples, and sail to Greece at night. While pillaging the temple of Zeus with some of his foreign subordinates, he was discovered by the populace and barely escaped with his life. Accompanied by a few men he went to Seleucia Pieria, but the news of his sacrilege arrived before him. The city closed its gates, forcing him to seek shelter in
Posidium. Two days after pillaging the temple, Alexander II was caught and brought in chains to Antiochus VIII in his camp, suffering the insults and humiliation at the hands of his enemies. People who witnessed the indignation of Alexander II were shocked at the scene they thought could never happen. After accepting what had occurred in front of them was reality, they looked away with astonishment. • In the account of Justin, Alexander II fled to Antioch following his defeat at the hands of Antiochus VIII. Lacking the resources to pay his troops, the king ordered the removal of a golden Nike from the temple of
Jupiter (Zeus), joking that "victory was lent to him by Jupiter". A few days later, Alexander II himself ordered the golden statue of Jupiter to be taken out under the cover of night. The city's populace revolted against the king, and he was forced to flee. He was later deserted by his men and caught by bandits; they delivered him to Antiochus VIII, who ordered him executed. ' temple Alexander II issued two series of gold staters. One bears his epithets and dates to 125 BC according to many numismatists, such as Oliver Hoover and Arthur Houghton, and another bearing only the title of king (
basileus). Earlier numismatists, such as
Edward Theodore Newell and
Ernest Babelon, who only knew about the 125 BC stater, suggested that it was minted with the gold pillaged from the temple. However, the iconography of that stater does not match that used for Alexander II's late coinage, as the diadem ties fall in a straight fashion on the neck. On the other hand, the arrangement of the diadem ties on the stater that lacks the royal epithets is more consistent with Alexander II's late tetradrachm, making it more reasonable to associate that stater with the Nike theft. Though his last coins were issued in 190 SE (123/122 BC), ancient historians do not provide the explicit date of Alexander II's death. He probably died by October 123 BC since the first Antiochene coins of Antiochus VIII were issued in 190 SE (123/122 BC). Damascus kept striking coinage in the name of Alexander II until 191 SE (122/121 BC), when the forces of Antiochus VIII took it. According to Diodorus Siculus, many who witnessed the king's end "remarked in various ways on the fickleness of fate, the reversals in human fortunes, the sudden turns of tide, and how changeable life could be, far beyond what anyone would expect". No wife or children of Alexander II, if he had any, are known; with his death, the line of Antiochus IV became extinct. ==See also==