There is a range of views among contemporary scholars about King James's intention in requiring the oath. These include: • (Programmatic) to forward a wider theological and ecumenical project (Patterson); • (Persecuting) to give grounds for bearing down on English Catholics who faced the dilemma of swearing or not (Questier); • (Anti-papalist) to target supporters of papal temporal authority (Somerville); or • (Assertive) to assert his own spiritual authority (Tutino). It is seen as aimed at
resistance theorists as well as traitors; and a move to split "moderates" from "radicals" among English Catholics. There were unintended consequences. According to W.B. Patterson, "James himself did not give up his vision of a peaceful and united Church at home and abroad which he had unfolded to Parliament at its opening session in 1604. But in defending the Oath of Allegiance, he allowed himself to be drawn into a bitter Europe-wide theological controversy." By the beginning of 1609, it had begun to touch on a whole range of European issues: English Catholics,
Rhineland Calvinists,
Gallicanism in France, the aftermath of the
Venetian Interdict, and the uncertain Catholic orthodoxy of the Vienna court of
Emperor Rudolph II. It had repercussions for international diplomacy; and in particular the handling of the
Premonition had a negative effect on diplomatic relations between Great Britain and Venice, which had been improving during the Interdict.
Bellarmine drawn in James attacked Bellarmine early in 1608 in a treatise
Triplici nodo, triplex cuneus, the title of which identified it in a learned fashion as an answer to the missives sent to Blackwell. It was published anonymously in English around February 1608, and was then translated into Latin and French. It was the work of James, using the pseudonym Matthaeus Tortus (i.e. Matteo Torti or Torto, his chaplain); he portrayed James as smooth in past correspondence with the papacy, but delivering little in practical terms. This accusation raked up a matter from before James's accession to the English throne. In 1599 a letter signed by James had been sent to
Pope Clement VIII, requesting him to give a cardinal's hat to William Chisholm, a kinsman of
James Elphinstone, 1st Lord Balmerino, and expressing high regard for the Pope and the Catholic faith. Originally, it had been dismissed as a forgery. When the matter was brought up again in 1608, severe pressure was put by
Dunbar and
Robert Cecil, 1st Earl of Salisbury on Balmerino to induce him to take the whole blame on himself, and on the promise that his life and estates should be secured to him he consented to exculpate the king. The account he then gave was that he had written the letter, and had surreptitiously passed it in among papers awaiting the king's signature. Balmerino was disgraced and sentenced to death, but the sentence was never carried out, and he later retired to his estates. According to a second account of Bellarmine, James was well aware of the letter's contents and had signed without hesitation. Besides the main disputants, a number of secondary writers joined the fray. On the Catholic side were
Cardinal Duperron,
Leonard Lessius,
Jacob Gretser,
Thomas Fitzherbert,
Martin Becan,
Gaspar Scioppi, Adolph Schulckenius,
Nicolas Coeffeteau, and
Andreas Eudaemon Joannes.
Robert Persons wrote his
Treatise tending to Mitigation (1608). No one was more closely identified with the
Jesuit role in the English mission than Parsons, and he was already a central figure in the polemics around it.
William Barlow made mischief by suggesting Parsons in any case was second fiddle to
Robert Bellarmine. Opposed to them were: Lancelot Andrewes,
William Barlow,
Robert Burhill,
Pierre du Moulin, the poet
John Donne (in his
Pseudo-Martyr of 1610)
James' response Andrewes replied to Bellarmine in
Tortura Torti (1609). James insisted that Andrewes included in
Tortura Torti references to the idea that if a Pope meddled with the temporal allegiances of Catholics, this was with indication of an identification of the
Antichrist of the
Book of Revelation. James politicised the whole debate with his
Premonition in the same year, dedicated to the Emperor Rudolph II and all the monarchs of
Christendom. In it James now dropped his anonymity, and posed as the defender of primitive and true Christianity. His view was that the identification could not be required as a matter of faith. He spoke of it as conjectural; but as a belief to which he was committed, at least as long as the interference in temporal matters persisted. He balanced these statements with concessions on the Pope's spiritual status. Half of the book dwelled on this topic, expressed in terms offensive to Catholics. James's approach seemed to be a bargaining chip, or feeler for negotiations, to the diplomat
Antoine Lefèvre de la Boderie.
Gallican reaction After this, Bellarmine published, now also using his own name, his
Apologia pro responsione ad librum Jacobi I (1609). James opposed to this a treatise by a learned Scottish Catholic,
William Barclay,
De potestate papae (1609). Barclay's views were on the
Gallican side, and Bellarmine's answer,
Tractatus de potestate summi pontificis in rebus temporalibus (1610), gave offence to French Gallicans; it was publicly burnt in Paris by a Decree of 26 November 1610. In reply to a posthumous treatise of Barclay, Bellarmine wrote a
Tractatus de potestate summi pontificis in rebus temporalibus. It reiterated his assertions on the subject of papal power, and was prohibited in France. Another prominent rejection of Bellarmine's claim of papal superior authority was made by philosopher
Thomas Hobbes in the third and fourth book of his
Leviathan.
Francisco Suárez's answer to James was the
Defensio fidei (1613), a major statement of the Catholic position, and also an important landmark in political thought. It suffered the same fate as Bellarmine's
Tractatus, through an
arrêt of 26 June 1614; but this decree was eventually withdrawn at the request of the Pope. ==Subsequent history==