Some years before, Haxthausen's friend Count
Peter von Meyendorff (Petr Kazimirovich Meiendorf, 1796–1863), Russian ambassador to Berlin from 1839 to 1850, had suggested that he continue his research on Slavic communal institutions in Russia, and this now became possible thanks to an essay on tsarist land legislation that reached tsar
Nicholas I, who invited him to travel to Russia to study the rural situation there. Though his voyage was supported by the crown, it was hindered by
Count von Benckendorff, head of the Russian
secret police, who considered Haxthausen a potential threat to state security and had his activities monitored not only in Russia but after his return to Germany (fifteen years later he "was still being warned by his former hosts that he should break off his correspondence with
Alexander Herzen"). However, after the spring thaw in 1843, Haxthausen left
Moscow for six months of travel in the provinces, accompanied by his assistant, Dr. Heinrich Kosegarten, and a young Russian interpreter provided by the tsar. The group traveled to
Novgorod, the
Vladimir-
Yaroslavl region,
Nizhny Novgorod,
Kazan, and across the steppes to the
Caucasus. In the Caucasus, Haxthausen was escorted by
Armenian polymath Khachatur Abovian. The trip include attending a service at the
Blue Mosque; a visit to a
Yazidi encampment; and a banquet in
Tiflis organized by the viceroy of the Caucasus,
Mikhail Semyonovich Vorontsov. Later, he turned north again to
Crimea,
Kiev,
Tula, and Moscow. After some hesitation (caused partly by a feeling of betrayal by the
Marquis de Custine, who had written a wittily hostile report on his visit to Russia a few years previously), he was received cordially by Russian society, including
Konstantin Aksakov, Herzen, and
Pyotr Chaadayev. Haxthausen returned to Germany in the spring of 1844 to write up his impressions. The results were published in
Studien über die innern Zustände, das Volksleben und insbesondere die ländlichen Einrichtungen Russlands (1847-1852, translated into English in drastically shortened form as
The Russian Empire: Its People, Institutions and Resources, 1856).
S. Frederick Starr, in his introduction to a modern abridged translation, writes that "two themes resound throughout the
Studies: that Russian society still maintained in its peasant communes and other institutions the basis for a unity and cohesion within and among classes that was lacking in western Europe, and that this social cohesion was founded on hierarchical and patriarchal lines that embraced every individual in Russia from tsar to peasant." Haxthausen's full account of the institutions of rural Russia was the first to bring the Russian commune into European social thought, and it was popular with both radicals (who found validation of the ideals of
socialism) and conservatives (who approved of Haxthausen's emphasis on harmony within the framework of traditional society); it was well received everywhere but "liberal, industrial England, where it was met with skepticism, criticism, and outright derision." But its greatest impact was in Russia, where intellectuals of every political persuasion read and discussed the
Studies, which played a significant role in establishing the framework of the
liberation of the serfs and the other reforms of the early 1860s; Haxthausen wrote extensively on those reforms, corresponded with many Russian leaders and intellectuals, and in 1865 published a study of the means of introducing a constitution to Russia without destroying the sovereignty of the tsar.
James H. Billington summarized his influence on Russians thus: It is a measure of the Russian aristocrats' alienation from their own peoples that they discovered the peasants not on their own estates but in books — above all in the three-volume study of Russian life by Baron Haxthausen.... On the basis of his study, Russian aristocrats suddenly professed to find in the peasant commune (
obshchina) the nucleus of a better society. Although the peasant commune had been idealized before ... Haxthausen's praise was based on a detailed study of its social functions of regulating land redistribution and dispensing local justice. He saw in the commune a model for "free productive associations like those of the Saint-Simonians"; and the idea was born among Russians that a renovation of society on the model of the commune might be possible even if a political revolution were not. ==Notes==