Social organization All Apache peoples lived in extended family units (or
family clusters); they usually lived close together, with each nuclear family in separate dwellings. An extended family generally consisted of a husband and wife, their unmarried children, their married daughters, their married daughters' husbands, and their married daughters' children. Thus, the extended family is connected through a lineage of women who live together (that is, matrilocal residence), into which men may enter upon marriage (leaving behind his parents' family). When a daughter married, a new dwelling was built nearby for her and her husband. Among the Navajo, residence rights are ultimately derived from a head mother. Although the Western Apache usually practiced matrilocal residence, sometimes the eldest son chose to bring his wife to live with his parents after marriage. All tribes practiced
sororate and
levirate marriages. (a water basket) on her head, c. 1900|left Apache men practiced varying degrees of "avoidance" of his wife's close relatives, a practice often most strictly observed by distance between mother-in-law and son-in-law. The degree of avoidance differed by Apache group. The most elaborate system was among the Chiricahua, where men had to use indirect polite speech toward and were not allowed to be within visual sight of the wife's female relatives, whom he had to avoid. His female Chiricahua relatives through marriage also avoided him. Several extended families worked together as a "local group", which carried out certain ceremonies, and economic and military activities. Political control was mostly present at the local group level. Local groups were headed by a chief, an influential man with an impressive reputation. The position was not hereditary, and was often filled by members of different extended families. The chief's influence was as strong as he was evaluated to be—no group member was obliged to follow the chief. Western Apache criteria for a good chief included: industriousness, generosity, impartiality, forbearance, conscientiousness, and eloquence in language. Many Apache peoples joined several local groups into "
bands". Banding was strongest among the Chiricahua and Western Apache, and weak among the Lipan and Mescalero. The Navajo did not organize into bands, perhaps because of the requirements of the
sheepherding economy. However, the Navajo did have "the outfit", a group of relatives that was larger than the extended family, but smaller than a local group community or a band. On a larger level, Western Apache bands organized into what
Grenville Goodwin called "groups". He reported five groups for the Western Apache: Northern Tonto, Southern Tonto, Cibecue, San Carlos, and White Mountain. The Jicarilla grouped their bands into "
moieties", perhaps influenced by the northeastern
Pueblo. The Western Apache and Navajo also had a system of
matrilineal "
clans" organized further into
phratries (perhaps influenced by the western Pueblo). The notion of a tribe within Apache cultures is very weakly developed; essentially it was only a recognition "that one owed a modicum of hospitality to those of the same speech, dress, and customs." The six Apache tribes had political independence from each other and even fought against each other. For example, the Lipan once fought against the Mescalero.
Kinship systems The Apache tribes have two distinctly different
kinship term systems: a
Chiricahua type and a
Jicarilla type. The Chiricahua-type system is used by the Chiricahua, Mescalero, and Western Apache. The Western Apache kinship system differs slightly from the other two but shares similarities with the Navajo system. The Jicarilla type, which is similar to the
Dakota–
Iroquois kinship systems, is used by the Jicarilla, Navajo, Lipan, and Plains Apache. The Navajo system is more divergent among the four, having similarities with the Chiricahua-type system. The Lipan and Plains Apache systems are very similar.
Chiricahua The Chiricahua language has four words for grandparent:
-chú "maternal grandmother",
-tsúyé "maternal grandfather",
-chʼiné "paternal grandmother",
-nálé "paternal grandfather". Additionally, a grandparent's siblings are identified by the same word; thus, one's maternal grandmother, one's maternal grandmother's sisters, and one's maternal grandmother's brothers are all called
-chú. Furthermore, the grandchild terms are reciprocal, that is, one uses the same term to refer to their grandchild. For example, a person's maternal grandmother is called
-chú and that grandmother also calls that granddaughter
-chú (i.e.
-chú can mean the child of either your own daughter or your sibling's daughter.) Chiricahua cousins are not distinguished from siblings through kinship terms. Thus, the same word refers to either a sibling or a cousin (there are not separate terms for
parallel-cousin and
cross-cousin). The terms depend on the sex of the speaker (unlike the English terms
brother and
sister):
-kʼis "same-sex sibling or same-sex cousin",
-´-ląh "opposite-sex sibling or opposite-sex cousin". This means if one is a male, then one's brother is called
-kʼis and one's sister is called
-´-ląh. If one is a female, then one's brother is called
-´-ląh and one's sister is called
-kʼis. Chiricahuas in a
-´-ląh relationship observed great restraint and respect toward that relative; cousins (but not siblings) in a
-´-ląh relationship may practice total
avoidance. Two different words are used for each parent according to sex:
-mááʼ "mother",
-taa "father". Likewise, there are two words for a parent's child according to sex:
-yáchʼeʼ "daughter",
-gheʼ "son". A parent's siblings are classified together regardless of sex:
-ghúyé "maternal aunt or uncle (mother's brother or sister)",
-deedééʼ "paternal aunt or uncle (father's brother or sister)". These two terms are reciprocal like the grandparent/grandchild terms. Thus,
-ghúyé also refers to one's opposite-sex sibling's son or daughter (that is, a person will call their maternal aunt
-ghúyé and that aunt will call them
-ghúyé in return).
Jicarilla Unlike the Chiricahua system, the Jicarilla have only two terms for grandparents according to sex:
-chóó "grandmother",
-tsóyéé "grandfather". They do not have separate terms for maternal or paternal grandparents. The terms are also used of a grandparent's siblings according to sex. Thus,
-chóó refers to one's grandmother or one's grand-aunt (either maternal or paternal);
-tsóyéé refers to one's grandfather or one's grand-uncle. These terms are not reciprocal. There is a single word for grandchild (regardless of sex):
-tsóyí̱í̱. There are two terms for each parent. These terms also refer to that parent's same-sex sibling:
-ʼnííh "mother or maternal aunt (mother's sister)",
-kaʼéé "father or paternal uncle (father's brother)". Additionally, there are two terms for a parent's opposite-sex sibling depending on sex:
-daʼá̱á̱ "maternal uncle (mother's brother)",
-béjéé "paternal aunt (father's sister). Two terms are used for same-sex and opposite-sex siblings. These terms are also used for
parallel-cousins:
-kʼisé "same-sex sibling or same-sex parallel cousin (i.e. same-sex father's brother's child or mother's sister's child)",
-´-láh "opposite-sex sibling or opposite parallel cousin (i.e. opposite-sex father's brother's child or mother's sister's child)". These two terms can also be used for
cross-cousins. There are also three sibling terms based on the age relative to the speaker:
-ndádéé "older sister",
-´-naʼá̱á̱ "older brother",
-shdá̱zha "younger sibling (i.e. younger sister or brother)". Additionally, there are separate words for cross-cousins:
-zeedń "cross-cousin (either same-sex or opposite-sex of speaker)",
-iłnaaʼaash "male cross-cousin" (only used by male speakers). A parent's child is classified with their same-sex sibling's or same-sex cousin's child:
-zhácheʼe "daughter, same-sex sibling's daughter, same-sex cousin's daughter",
-gheʼ "son, same-sex sibling's son, same-sex cousin's son". There are different words for an opposite-sex sibling's child:
-daʼá̱á̱ "opposite-sex sibling's daughter",
-daʼ "opposite-sex sibling's son".
Housing Apache lived in three types of houses.
Tipis were common in the plains.
Wickiups were common in the highlands; these were framed of wood held together with yucca fibers and covered in brush. If a family member died, the wickiup would be burned. Apache of the desert of northern Mexico lived in
hogans, an earthen structure for keeping cool. Below is a description of Chiricahua wickiups recorded by anthropologist Morris Opler: Recent research has documented the archaeological remains of Chiricahua Apache wickiups as found on protohistoric and at historical sites, such as Canon de los Embudos where C. S. Fly photographed Geronimo, his people, and dwellings during surrender negotiations in 1886, demonstrating their unobtrusive and improvised nature."
Food , willow leaves, or
juniper bark into baskets that could hold heavy loads. Apache people obtained food from hunting, gathering wild plants, cultivating domestic plants, trade, or raiding neighboring groups for livestock and agricultural projects. Particular types of foods eaten by a group depending upon their respective environment.
Hunting Hunting was done primarily by men, although there were sometimes exceptions depending on animal and culture (e.g. Lipan women could help in hunting rabbits and Chiricahua boys were also allowed to hunt rabbits). Hunting often had elaborate preparations, such as fasting and religious rituals performed by
medicine men before and after the hunt. In Lipan culture, since deer were protected by Mountain Spirits, great care was taken in Mountain Spirit rituals to ensure smooth hunting. Slaughter follows religious guidelines (many of which are recorded in religious stories) prescribing cutting, prayers, and bone disposal. Southern Athabascan hunters often distributed successfully slaughtered game. For example, among the Mescalero a hunter was expected to share as much as half of his kill with a fellow hunter and needy people at the camp. Feelings of individuals about this practice spoke of social obligation and spontaneous generosity. The most common hunting weapon before the introduction of European guns was the
bow and arrow. Various hunting techniques were used. Some involved wearing animal head masks as a disguise. Whistles were sometimes used to lure animals closer. Another technique was the relay method where hunters positioned at various points would chase the prey in turns in order to tire the animal. A similar method involved chasing the prey down a steep cliff. Eating certain animals was taboo. Although different cultures had different taboos, common examples included bears, peccaries, turkeys, fish, snakes, insects, owls, and coyotes. An example of taboo differences: the black bear was a part of the Lipan diet (although less common as buffalo, deer, or antelope), but the Jicarilla never ate bear because it was considered an evil animal. Some taboos were a regional phenomenon, such as fish, which was taboo throughout the southwest (e.g. in certain Pueblo cultures like the
Hopi and
Zuni) and considered to resemble a snake (an evil animal) in physical appearance. Western Apache hunted deer and
pronghorns mostly in the ideal late fall. After the meat was smoked into jerky around November, they migrated from the farm sites in the mountains along stream banks to winter camps in the
Salt,
Black,
Gila River and even the Colorado River valleys. The Chiricahua mostly hunted deer followed by pronghorn. Lesser game included
cottontail rabbits,
opossums, squirrels, surplus horses, surplus mules,
wapiti (elk), wild cattle and
wood rats. The Mescalero primarily hunted deer. Other game includes
bighorn sheep, buffalo (for those living closer to the plains), cottontail rabbits, elk, horses, mules, opossums, pronghorn, wild steers, and wood rats. Beavers, minks, muskrats, and weasels were hunted for their hides but were not eaten. The Jicarilla primarily hunted bighorn sheep, buffalo, deer, elk, and pronghorn. Other game included beaver, bighorn sheep, chief hares, chipmunks, doves, groundhogs, grouse, peccaries, porcupines, prairie dogs, quail, rabbits, skunks, snow birds, squirrels, turkeys and wood rats. Burros and horses were only eaten in emergencies. Minks, weasels, wildcats and wolves were not eaten but hunted for their body parts. The Lipan ate mostly buffalo with a three-week hunt during the fall and smaller hunts until the spring. The second most utilized animal was deer. Fresh
deer blood was drunk for health. Other animals included beavers, bighorns, black bears, burros, ducks, elk, fish, horses, mountain lions, mourning doves, mules, prairie dogs, pronghorns, quail, rabbits, squirrels, turkeys, turtles, and wood rats. Skunks were eaten only in emergencies. Plains Apache hunters hunted primarily buffalo and deer. Other game included badgers, bears, beavers, fowl (including geese), opossums, otters, rabbits, and tortoises.
Clothing Influenced by the Plains Indians, Western Apaches wore clothing sewn from animal hides decorated with seed beads for clothing. These beaded designs historically resembled that of the Great Basin Paiute and is characterized by linear patterning. Apache beaded clothing was bordered with narrow bands of glass
seed beads in diagonal stripes of alternating colors. They made buckskin shirts, ponchos, skirts, and moccasins and decorated them with colorful beadwork.
Undomesticated plants and other food sources The gathering of plants and other food was primarily done by women. The men's job was usually to hunt animals such as deer, buffalo, and small game. However, men helped in certain gathering activities, such as of heavy
agave crowns. Numerous plants were used as both food and medicine and in religious ceremonies. Other plants were used for only their religious or medicinal value. In May, the Western Apache baked and dried agave crowns pounded into pulp and formed into rectangular cakes. At the end of June and beginning of July,
saguaro,
prickly pear, and
cholla fruits were gathered. In July and August,
mesquite beans,
Spanish bayonet fruit, and
Emory oak acorns were gathered. In late September, gathering was stopped as attention moved to harvesting cultivated crops. In late fall,
juniper berries and
pinyon nuts were gathered. The most important plant food for the Chiricahua was the
Century plant (also known as
mescal or agave). The crowns (the
tuberous base portion) were baked in large underground ovens and sun-dried. The shoots were also eaten. Other plants used by the Chiricahua include:
agarita (or algerita) berries,
alligator juniper berries,
anglepod seeds,
banana yucca (or datil, broadleaf yucca) fruit,
chili peppers,
chokecherries,
cota (used for tea),
currants,
dropseed grass seeds,
Gambel oak acorns, Gambel oak bark (used for tea), grass seeds (of various varieties),
greens (of various varieties),
hawthorne fruit,
Lamb's-quarters leaves,
lip ferns (used for tea),
live oak acorns,
locust blossoms, locust pods,
maize kernels (used for
tiswin), and mesquite beans. Also eaten were
mulberries,
narrowleaf yucca blossoms, narrowleaf yucca stalks,
nipple cactus fruit,
one-seed juniper berries, onions,
pigweed seeds, pinyon nuts,
pitahaya fruit, prickly pear fruit, prickly pear juice, raspberries,
screwbean (or tornillo) fruit, saguaro fruit,
spurge seeds, strawberries,
sumac (
Rhus trilobata) berries,
sunflower seeds,
tule rootstocks, tule shoots,
pigweed tumbleweed seeds,
unicorn plant seeds, walnuts,
western yellow pine inner bark (used as a sweetener), western yellow pine nuts,
whitestar potatoes (
Ipomoea lacunosa),
wild grapes,
wild potatoes (
Solanum jamesii),
wood sorrel leaves, and
yucca buds (unknown species). Other items include: honey from ground hives and hives found within agave,
sotol, and narrowleaf yucca plants. The abundant agave (mescal) was also important to the Mescalero, who gathered the crowns in late spring after reddish flower stalks appeared. The smaller sotol crowns were also important. The crowns of both plants were baked and dried. Other plants include: acorns, agarita berries, amole stalks (roasted and peeled),
aspen inner bark (used as a sweetener),
bear grass stalks (roasted and peeled),
box elder inner bark (used as a sweetener), banana yucca fruit, banana yucca flowers, box elder sap (used as a sweetener), cactus fruits (of various varieties),
cattail rootstocks, chokecherries, currants,
dropseed grass seeds (used for
flatbread),
elderberries, gooseberries (
Ribes leptanthum and
R. pinetorum), grapes,
hackberries, hawthorne fruit, and
hops (used as condiment). They also used
horsemint (as a condiment), juniper berries, Lamb's-quarters leaves, locust flowers, locust pods, mesquite pods, mint (as a condiment), mulberries,
pennyroyal (as a condiment), pigweed seeds (for flatbread), pine inner bark (as a sweetener), pinyon pine nuts, prickly pear fruit (dethorned and roasted),
purslane leaves, raspberries,
sage (as a condiment), screwbeans,
sedge tubers,
shepherd's purse leaves, strawberries, sunflower seeds, tumbleweed seeds (for flatbread),
vetch pods, walnuts,
western white pine nuts, western yellow pine nuts, white
evening primrose fruit,
wild celery (as a condiment),
wild onion (as a condiment), wild pea pods, wild potatoes, and wood sorrel leaves. The Jicarilla used acorns, chokecherries, juniper berries, mesquite beans, pinyon nuts, prickly pear fruit, yucca fruit, and many other kinds of fruits, acorns, greens, nuts, and seed grasses. The Lipan heavily used agave (mescal) and sotol. Other plants include agarita, blackberries, cattails, devil's claw, elderberries, gooseberries, hackberries, hawthorn, juniper, Lamb's-quarters, locust, mesquite, mulberries, oak,
palmetto, pecan, pinyon, prickly pears, raspberries, screwbeans, seed grasses, strawberries, sumac, sunflowers,
Texas persimmons, walnuts, western yellow pine, wild cherries, wild grapes, wild onions, wild plums, wild potatoes,
wild roses, yucca flowers, and yucca fruit. Other gathered food includes salt obtained from caves and honey. The Plains Apache gathered chokecherries, blackberries, grapes,
prairie turnips, wild onions, and wild plums, and many other fruits, vegetables, and tuberous roots.
Ethnobotany A list of 198 ethnobotany plant uses for the Chiricahua can be found at http://naeb.brit.org/uses/tribes/11/, which also includes the Mescalero. A list of 54 ethnobotany plant uses for the uncategorized Apache can also be found here. http://naeb.brit.org/uses/tribes/10/.
Crop cultivation The Navajo practiced the most crop cultivation, the Western Apache, Jicarilla, and Lipan less. The one Chiricahua band (of Opler's) and the Mescalero practiced very little cultivation. The other two Chiricahua bands and the Plains Apache did not grow any crops.
Trade, raids, and war Interchanges between the Apache and European-descended explorers and settlers included trading. The Apache found they could use European and American goods. Apaches distinguished raiding from war. Raiding was done in small parties with a specific economic purpose. War was waged in large parties (often clan members), usually to achieve retribution. Raiding was traditional for the Apache, but Mexican settlers objected to their stock being stolen. As tensions grew between the Apache and settlers, the Mexican government passed laws offering cash rewards for Apache scalps.
Religion Apache
religious stories relate to two
culture heroes (one of the Sun/fire:"Killer-Of-Enemies/Monster Slayer", and one of Water/Moon/thunder: "Child-Of-The-Water/Born For Water") who destroy several creatures harmful to humankind. Another story is of a hidden ball game, where good and evil animals decide whether or not the world should be forever dark.
Coyote, the
trickster, is an important being that often has inappropriate behavior (such as marrying his own daughter, etc.) in which he overturns social convention. The Navajo, Western Apache, Jicarilla, and Lipan have an emergence or Creation Story, while this is lacking in the Chiricahua and Mescalero. Medicine men learn the ceremonies, which can also be acquired by direct revelation to the individual. Different Apache cultures had different views of ceremonial practice. Most Chiricahua and Mescalero ceremonies were learned through the transmission of personal religious visions, while the Jicarilla and Western Apache used standardized rituals as the more central ceremonial practice. Important standardized ceremonies include the puberty ceremony (Sunrise Dance) of young women, Navajo chants, Jicarilla "long-life" ceremonies, and Plains Apache "sacred-bundle" ceremonies. Certain animals—owls, snakes, bears, and coyotes—are considered spiritually evil and prone to cause sickness to humans. Many Apache ceremonies use masked representations of religious spirits.
Sandpainting is an important ceremony in the Navajo, Western Apache, and Jicarilla traditions, in which healers create temporary, sacred art from colored sands. Anthropologists believe the use of masks and sandpainting are examples of
cultural diffusion from neighboring Pueblo cultures. The Apaches participate in many religious dances, including the rain dance, dances for the crop and harvest, and a spirit dance. These dances were mostly for influencing the weather and enriching their food resources. == Population history ==