Europe before 1170: Courtliness and the noble habitus Prior to codified chivalry, there was the uncodified code of noble conduct that focused on the , which can be translated as a wise, honest, and sensible man. This uncodified code—referred to as the noble —is a term for the environment of behavioural and material expectations generated by all societies and classes. As a modern idea, it was pioneered by the French philosopher/sociologists
Pierre Bourdieu and
Maurice Merleau-Ponty, even though a precedent exists for the concept as far back as the works of Aristotle. Crouch in 2019 argued that the on which "the superstructure of chivalry" was built and the was a part, were recognised by contemporaries as components of
courtoisie (from Latin
curialitas) which was defined as superior conduct appropriate to the aristocratic hall (
court or
curia). He saw it as being taught within the confines of the hall by its senior figures to youths confided to the lord and his household for their social upbringing. Crouch suggested courtliness had existed long before 1100 and preceded the codified medieval noble conduct we call chivalry, which he sees as beginning between 1170 and 1220. The pre-chivalric noble as discovered by Mills and Gautier and elaborated by Stephen Jaeger and David Crouch are as follows: •
Loyalty: It is a practical utility in a warrior nobility.
Richard Kaeuper associates loyalty with
prowess. The importance of reputation for loyalty in noble conduct is demonstrated in . The nobility of mercy and forbearance was well established by the second half of the 12th century long before there was any code of chivalry. •
Hardiness: Historians and social anthropologists documented that in the early stages of 'proto-chivalry,' physical resilience and prowess in warfare were almost prerequisites for chivalry-associated knighthood. For warriors, regardless of origin, displaying exceptional physical prowess on the battlefield often led to attaining noble-knightly status or immediate nobilitation. To deliver a powerful blow in Arthurian literature almost always certifies the warrior's nobility. This view was supported by formal chivalric authorities and commentators: the anonymous author of
La vraye noblesse states that a person of 'low degree' with martial bearing should be elevated to nobility by the prince or civic authority, "even though he be not rich or of noble lineage". Scholastic analyst Richard Kaeuper summarizes the matter: "A knight's nobility or worth is proved by his hearty strokes in battle". The virtue of hardiness, aligned with forbearance and loyalty, was a key military virtue of the . According to Philip de Navarra, a mature nobleman should possess hardiness as part of his moral virtues. Geoffrey de Charny also underscored the importance of hardiness as a masculine virtue tied to religious sentiments of . •
Largesse or
Liberality: generosity was part of a noble quantity. According to
Alan of Lille, largesse was not just a simple matter of giving away what he had, but " in a man caused him to set no store on greed or gifts, and to have nothing but contempt for bribes." •
The Davidic ethic: encompasses the noble qualities of derived by clerics from
Biblical tradition. This concept aligns with the classical Aristotelian notion of the "magnanimous personality" and the early Germanic and Norse tradition of the war-band leader as a heroic figure. The Christian-Davidic guardian-protector role of warrior-leadership emerged from the Frankish church to legitimize authority based on ethical commitment to safeguarding the vulnerable, ensuring justice for widows and orphans, and firmly opposing cruelty and injustice by those in power. This opposition extended to sub-princely magistrates and even monarchs who violated ethical principles of or . At the heart of the Davidic ethic lies the idea of the strong demonstrating benevolence towards the weak. •
Honour:
honour was achieved by living up to the ideal of the and pursuing the qualities and behaviour listed above.
Maurice Keen notes the most damning, irreversible mode of "demoting" one's honorific status, again humanly through contemporary eyes, consisted in displaying pusillanimous conduct on the battlefield. The loss of honour is a humiliation to a man's standing and is worse than death.
Bertran de Born said: "For myself I prefer to hold a little piece of land in
onor, than to hold a great empire with dishonor".
The Crisis of Courtliness and Rise of Chivalry Courtliness remained a recognised form of superior conduct in medieval European society throughout the middle ages. Courtly behaviour was expected of all aristocrats and its norms were integrated into chivalric literature. But as Crouch demonstrated courtliness (unlike chivalry) was not confined to noble society. There are examples of servants, merchants, clergy and free peasants being commended for their 'courtly' behaviour in medieval literature. His explanation for the appearance of chivalry as a recognisable and prescriptive code of behaviour is tied into the more exclusive definition of nobility that appears in the late 12th century. This had a particular impact on the professional horse warrior, the knight. Retained knights were a prominent feature of the households of barons, counts and princes, and were thought to be proper associates of their lords. As such knights adopted the fashions and behaviours of their lords. In many cases knights were often drawn from the younger sons of noble families so they would regard themselves as being noble too, if less noble than their lords. Crouch locates the tipping point of the nobilising of the knight as in the households of the sons of King
Henry II of England, and in particular his eldest son, the
Henry the Young King (died 1183). Young Henry lived a lavish lifestyle of unprecedented expense focussed on the great northern French tourneying society of the 1170s and 1180s. Since Young Henry had no domains to rule, his father was willing to fund the itinerant playboy lifestyle of his son to distract him from meddling in his realms, and also to stake a claim to the cultural high ground over the other European princes of the day. Young Henry was nonetheless heavily criticised for his wasteful and hedonistic life, and Crouch finds it significant that the first known work which used the knight as a moral exemplar and as a definitive nobleman, the
De Re Militari of
Ralph Niger (c. 1187) was written by the young man's former chaplain, in part as a moral defence of the knightly lifestyle. Crouch suggests another reason why chivalry coalesced as a noble code in the late 12th century in his analysis of conduct literature. He suggests that the courtly habitus underwent a crisis as its moral failure became obvious to writers, particularly in the materialism that motivated courtly society. Crouch sees the
Roman des Eles of the poet-knight
Raoul de Houdenc, as a critique of courtliness and its failures. Raoul's solution is to focus moral eminence on the figure of the knight, who is to be the avatar of a new moral nobility, set above all other males. A knight was to eschew materialism (
envie) and to embrace noble generosity (
largesce).
Themes of chivalric literature In
medieval literature, chivalry can be classified into three overlapping areas: • Duties to countrymen and fellow Christians: this includes mercy, courage, valour, fairness, protection of the weak and the poor, and the servant-hood of the knight to his lord. This also includes being willing to give one's life for another's; whether for a poor man or his lord. • Duties to God: this includes being faithful to God, protecting the innocent, being faithful to the church, being the champion of good against evil, being generous, and obeying God above the feudal lord. • Duties to women: this is probably the most familiar aspect of chivalry. This includes what is often called courtly love—the idea that the knight is to serve a lady, and after her all other ladies—and a general gentleness and graciousness to all women. Different weight given to different areas produced different strands of chivalry: ;warrior chivalry: in which a knight's chief duty is to his lord, as exemplified by Sir
Gawain in
Sir Gawain and the Green Knight and
The Wedding of Sir Gawain and Dame Ragnelle ;religious chivalry: in which a knight's chief duty is to protect the innocent and serve God, as exemplified by Sir
Galahad or Sir
Percival in the
Grail legends ;courtly love chivalry: in which a knight's chief duty is to his own lady, and after her, all ladies, as exemplified by Sir
Lancelot in his love for Queen
Guinevere or Sir
Tristan in his love for
Iseult Origins in military ethos man () Emerging with the
knight's character and the chivalric ethos were novel elements: revised social status, innovative military tactics, and fresh literary themes. Chivalric codes encompassed regulations such as pledging loyalty to the overlord and upholding warfare rules. These rules dictated refraining from attacking a defenseless opponent and prioritizing the capture of fellow nobles for later ransom instead of immediate harm, akin to adhering to a perceived codified law. The chivalric ideals are based on those of the early medieval warrior class, and martial exercise and military virtue remain integral parts of chivalry until the end of the medieval period, as the reality on the battlefield changed with the development of
Early Modern warfare, and increasingly restricted it to the
tournament ground and
duelling culture. The
joust remained the primary example of knightly display of martial skill throughout the
Renaissance (the last Elizabethan
Accession Day tilt was held in 1602). The martial skills of the knight carried over to the practice of
the hunt, and hunting expertise became an important aspect of courtly life in the later medieval period (see
terms of venery). Related to chivalry was the practice of
heraldry and its elaborate rules of displaying coats of arms as it emerged in the
High Middle Ages.
Chivalry and Christianity Christianity had a modifying influence on the classical concept of heroism and virtue, nowadays identified with the virtues of chivalry. The
Peace and Truce of God in the 10th century was one such example, which placed limits on knights to protect and honour the weaker members of society and also help the church maintain peace. At the same time the church became more tolerant of war in the defence of faith, espousing theories of the
just war; and
liturgies were introduced which blessed a knight's sword, . In the
Grail romances and
Chevalier au Cygne, it was the ethos of the Christian knighthood that its way of life was to please God, and chivalry was an order of God. Chivalry as a Christian vocation combined
Teutonic heroic values with the militant tradition of the
Old Testament. In the 11th century, the concept of a "knight of Christ" () gained currency in France, Spain, and Italy. and some of their opponents like
Saladin were likewise depicted as chivalrous adversaries. It remains unclear to what extent the notable military figures of this period—such as Saladin,
Godfrey of Bouillon,
William Marshal, or
Bertrand du Guesclin—actually did set new standards of knightly behaviour, or to what extent they merely behaved according to existing models of conduct which came in retrospect to be interpreted along the lines of the "chivalry" ideal of the Late Middle Ages. The
Virgin Mary was venerated by multiple chivalric orders, including the
Teutonic Knights, who honored her as their patroness. The medieval development of chivalry, with the concept of the honour of a lady and the ensuing knightly devotion to it, not only derived from the thinking about Mary, but also contributed to it. Although women were at times viewed as the source of evil, it was Mary who as mediator to God was a source of refuge for man. The development of medieval
Mariology and the changing attitudes towards women paralleled each other.
Influence of the Moors and Romans The works of Roman poets like
Ovid and
Cicero bore some similarities to the typical depiction of romance in chivalric literature during the Middle Ages. In Ovid's works, lovers "became sleepless, grew pale, and lost their appetite," while Cicero's works celebrated the "ennobling power of love". Some scholars also point to the romantic poetry of the Arabs as antecedents to the depiction of courtly love in medieval European literature. In the works of the Cordoban author
Ibn Hazm, for example, "lovers develop passions for slave boys as well as girls, interchangeably, and the slave is recognized as now the master of his beloved." Ibn Hazm's
The Ring of the Dove is a noteworthy depiction of a lover's extreme submissiveness. Medieval courtly literature glorifies the valour, tactics, and ideals of both
Moors and ancient Romans.
Late Middle Ages In the 14th century,
Jean Froissart wrote his
Chronicles which captured much of the
Hundred Years' War, including the
Battle of Crécy and later the
Battle of Poitiers both of which saw the defeat of the French nobility by armies made up largely of common men using
longbows. The chivalric tactic employed by the French armoured nobility, namely bravely charging the opposition in the face of a hail of arrows, failed repeatedly. Froissart noted the subsequent attacks by common English and Welsh archers upon the fallen French knights.
Chronicles also captured a series of uprisings by common people against the nobility, such as the
Jacquerie and
The Peasant's Revolt and the rise of the common man to leadership ranks within armies. Many of these men were promoted during the Hundred Years' War but were later left in France when the English nobles returned home, and became mercenaries in the
Free Companies, for example
John Hawkwood, the mercenary leader of
White Company. The rise of effective, paid soldiery replaced noble soldiery during this period, leading to a new class of military leader without any adherence to the chivalric code. Chivalry underwent a revival and elaboration of chivalric ceremonial and rules of
etiquette in the 14th century that was examined by
Johan Huizinga in
The Waning of the Middle Ages, which dedicates a chapter to "The idea of chivalry". In contrasting the literary standards of chivalry with the actual warfare of the age, the historian finds the imitation of an ideal past illusory; in an aristocratic culture such as Burgundy and France at the close of the Middle Ages, "to be representative of true culture means to produce by conduct, by customs, by manners, by costume, by deportment, the illusion of a heroic being, full of dignity and honour, of wisdom, and, at all events, of courtesy.... The dream of past perfection ennobles life and its forms, fills them with beauty and fashions them anew as forms of art". In the later Middle Ages, wealthy merchants strove to adopt chivalric attitudes. The sons of the bourgeoisie were educated at aristocratic courts, where they were trained in the manners of the knightly class.
Criticism Medieval historian
Richard W. Kaeuper saw chivalry as a central focus in the study of the European Middle Ages that was too often presented as a civilizing and stabilizing influence in the turbulent Middle Ages. On the contrary, Kaueper argues "that in the problem of public order the knights themselves played an ambivalent, problematic role and that the guides to their conduct that chivalry provided were in themselves complex and problematic." Many of the codes and ideals of chivalry were contradictory: when knights did live up to them, they did not lead to a more "ordered and peaceful society". The tripartite conception of medieval European society (those who pray, those who fight, and those who work) along with other linked subcategories of monarchy and aristocracy, worked in congruence with knighthood to reform the institution in an effort "to secure public order in a society just coming into its mature formation." Kaeuper says that knighthood and the worldview of "those who fight" was pre-Christian in many ways and outside the purview of the church, at least initially. The church saw it as a duty to reform and guide knights in a way that weathered the disorderly, martial, and chauvinistic elements of chivalry. Royalty also clashed with knighthood over the conduct of warfare and personal disputes between knights and other knights (and even between knights and aristocracy). While the worldview of "those who work" (the burgeoning merchant class and bourgeoisie) was still in incubation, Kaeuper states that the social and economic class that would end up defining modernity was fundamentally at odds with knights, and those with chivalrous valor saw the values of commerce as beneath them. Those who engaged in commerce and derived their value system from it could be confronted with violence by knights. According to British historian
David Crouch, many early writers on medieval chivalry cannot be trusted as accurate sources, because they sometimes have "polemical purpose which colours their prose". As for
Kenelm Henry Digby and Léon Gautier, chivalry was a means to transform their corrupt and secular worlds. Gautier also emphasized that chivalry originated from the Teutonic forests and was brought up into civilization by the
Catholic Church.
Charles Mills used chivalry "to demonstrate that the Regency gentleman was the ethical heir of a great moral estate, and to provide an inventory of its treasure". ==Modern times==