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Coat of arms of the Hohenstaufen family

The coat of arms of the Hohenstaufen family, or the arms traditionally associated with the Hohenstaufen dynasty and, therefore, with Swabia, consists of three lions passant sable, placed on a field or. Following the imperial investiture, the insignia underwent a radical transformation, which involved the introduction of the eagle sable as the main element of the coat of arms. Placed in a field or, the eagle became, in its multiple variants and incarnations, the emblem of the Empire, not only for the Hohenstaufen but also for the subsequent dynasties. Placed, instead, in a field argent, it came to represent the Kingdom of Sicily: defined, indeed, as the arms of Swabia-Sicily, this insignia outlived the House of Hohenstaufen and, quartered with the Bars of Aragon, became the arms of Aragon-Sicily, or, from the heraldic and historical point of view, the coat of arms most representative of the island.

Arms of Swabia
Origin of the Swabian insignia The coat of arms of the House of Hohenstaufen consisted of a shield or, charged with three lions passant (or lions leopardés) sable, placed one above the other. The lions of the Hohenstaufen, being the Swabian ducal title the appanage of the Staufen dynasty, thus became also the arms of the Duchy of Swabia, which was ruled by the House of Staufen until 1268, the year of the dissolution of the duchy itself. of Swabia, reproduced in a manuscript of the 17th century, based on the Thurnierbuch of the German herald Georg Rüxner. However, the Dukes of the House of Hohenstaufen did not always bear this coat of arms, or at least not with three lions passant, from the outset. A shield bearing a single rampant lion appears in a seal of Duke Frederick VI of 1181. Another seal from 1192, relating to Duke Conrad II, features a single lion that became passant. Furthermore, various coins minted by the Dukes of Swabia also bear a single lion in this position. This may have been a "phenomenon of the implementation of heraldic figures," influenced by the coat of arms of the House of Welf-Brunswick with two leopards in a red field, which was the antagonist of the Hohenstaufen in the contest for the imperial title. The increase in the number of figures in the coat of arms, which was probably intended to enhance the prestige of the blazon, was thus completed with the achievement of the "trinary of perfection", Thus, "the aristocratic coat of arms par excellence of the Hohenstaufen" was defined: Image:Arms of Swabia.svg|Arms of Swabia Variants of the arms , charged with three lions passant gules (Chorographia Württemberg). It is possible to find other blazons for the arms of Swabia with three fixed figures in the same disposition. These blazons are less well known than the previous one and differ exclusively in the tinctures. The first describes a shield argent, charged with three lions passant gules, placed one above the other, A theory suggests that the use of the chromatic pairs argent-gules and or-gules in the coats of arms of the Hohenstaufen predated the introduction of the or-sable combination. Specifically, it is hypothesized that, prior to the definitive adoption of the arms bearing three lions passant, the predominant Staufen insignia featured argent and or for the field and gules for the lion rampant or passant. It was only later that the tinctures or and sable became predominant, rendering the other two pairs of metals and colours marginal. Another variant of the arms of Swabia, obtained by inverting the tinctures of the field and figures, is reproduced in some frescoes in the monastery of Lorch. The field becomes sable and the figures become or. Image:Arms of Swabia (argent, lions gules).svg|Variant of argent, charged with three lions passant gules Image:Arms of Swabia (or, lions gules).svg|Variant of or, charged with three lions passant gules Image:Arms of Swabia (sable, lions or).svg|Variant of sable, charged with three lions passant or , charged with three leopards gules (fresco inside one of the rooms of the Oria Castle). In certain representations of the arms, moreover, the three lions passant change, instead, into leopards, that is, the heads of the three heraldic animals are placed affronté, rather than in profile. A shield bearing the insignia of Swabia with three leopards, in place of the three lions, can be observed, for example, in a fresco inside the Oria Castle: the three figures of this version of the coat of arms are gules, placed in a field argent. Also argent, but charged with three leopards sable, are the arms of Swabia blazoned by the French heraldist André Favyn, in ''Le théâtre d'honneur et de chevalerie'', a work printed in 1620: The same insignia, moreover, is represented in another work of the 17th century, the Promptuaire armorial et general divisé en quatre parties, by the French illuminator Jean Boisseau. In reference to the combination of tinctures argent-sable, another theory formulates hypotheses on the original Staufen arms in a manner analogous to previous reports. This theory considers the possibility that the Staufen arms were characterized by this chromatic pair, similarly to the insignia of other Swabian noble families. Image:Arms of Swabia (lions passant guardant).svg|Variant of or, charged with three leopards sable Image:Arms of Swabia (argent, lions passant guardant gules).svg|Variant of argent, charged with three leopards gules Image:Arms of Swabia (argent, lions passant guardant sable).svg|Variant of argent, charged with three leopards sable of Henry VII. The lions passant on the shield and banner, as well as on one of the seals of Henry (VII) of Germany, which dates to between 1216 and 1220, are distinguished by a "particular iconographic feature worthy of note." The three heraldic animals have their heads turned toward the sinister, even though their bodies are oriented toward the dexter. This peculiarity applies to all three lions on the shield but only to the first lion on the banner. Image:Arms of Swabia (lions passant regardant).svg|Variant of or, charged with three lions passant with the head contourny sable In other reproductions of the Swabian insignia, instead, the three lions passant are contourny in their entirety, that is, the entire figure is turned toward the sinister. that is, goutty de sang: tradition holds that this variation was introduced, following the beheading of Conrad II of Sicily, as a sign of mourning and vengeance. by virtue of a grant conferred upon them by Peter III of Aragon, according to tradition. Subsequently, the insignia was enriched with a chief gules, charged with the imperial globus cruciger or, to signify the role of the Truchsess house in the Holy Roman Empire. Similarly, the Staufen lions were incorporated into the coats of arms of the different cadet branches of the Waldburg family. . Moreover, the arms of Swabia also became part of certain coats of arms of the House of Württemberg, which ruled the County, then Duchy, and finally Kingdom of Württemberg, as well as of certain insignia of its cadet branches. Likewise, the arms with three lions passant was included in the coats of arms of the imperial circle of Swabia, which existed from the beginning of the 16th century to the beginning of the 19th century. Image:Coat of Arms of Kingdom of Wurtemberg.svg|Small coat of arms of the Kingdom of Württemberg of Baden-Württemberg with the coat of arms. In modern use, the arms with three lions passant sable in a field or remains the representative insignia of the Swabian historical region; Moreover, the arms of the Hohenstaufen, which were already included in the coat of arms of the ancient Duchy of Carinthia appear in the coat of arms of the modern-day Austrian state of Carinthia. Image:Greater coat of arms of Baden-Württemberg.svg|Greater coat of arms of Baden-Württemberg Image:Coat of arms of Bavaria.svg|Greater coat of arms of Bavaria Image:Kaernten CoA.svg|Greater coat of arms of Carinthia from the Gelre Armorial. One hypothesis suggests that the coat of arms of Denmark originated from the arms of Swabia. The Danish insignia was adopted by the House of Estridsen in the first half of the 12th century, presumably during the reign of Canute VI. Initially, it featured three lions passant azure, one above the other. This coat of arms was substantially identical to the Staufen one, except for the color of the lions. The adoption of this coat of arms, whose field was later semé of hearts gules and whose lions became crowned leopards, was influenced by Denmark's status as an imperial fief and its subordination to the Empire, as well as the prestige of the Hohenstaufen. In 1819, during the reign of Frederick VI, the leopards reverted to lions, and the number of hearts was set at nine. Image:Insigne Danicum.svg|Coat of arms of Denmark == Imperial arms ==
Imperial arms
Origin and symbology of the eagle with external ornaments: note the eagle placed as crest (from a manuscript of the 17th century, based on the Thurnierbuch of Georg Rüxner). Following the imperial investiture, the sovereigns of the House of Hohenstaufen assumed as their emblem the eagle, as a symbol representing the continuity between the Roman Empire and the Germanic Empire. From a symbolic point of view, the eagle was a figure imbued with meaning in the Middle Ages. It was not only "the Roman military insignia par excellence," but also the emblem most apt to symbolize the concept of universal empire. In Greek mythology, the eagle is sacred to Zeus and a symbol of victory arising from divine protection. It preserves the attributions linked to pagan religiosity and assumes new meanings proper to Christian symbology. Ultimately, it embodies the idea of God. The Hohenstaufen identified the eagle, with its complex system of values and allegories, as the most suitable emblem to express the concept of imperial sovereignty of Roman origin and Christian nature. According to one hypothesis, it is plausible that the eagle was initially added to the coat of arms with three lions passant only as a crest and then became the main element. This deduction is based on a version of the Staufen coat of arms provided by Goffredo di Crollalanza. In it, the heraldist describes a displayed eagle sable as the crest placed as an ornament on the shield. This hypothesis may be supported by the Chronica de duabus civitatibus, which, in its original version by Otto of Freising, ends in 1146, the year the imperial office became the domain of Conrad III. Specifically, a miniature in the work of the German bishop depicts "a shield on which a black eagle is clearly evident." However, the miniature, which depicts the battle between the armies of Henry IV and Henry V, cannot be considered definitive evidence since it cannot be ruled out that the manuscript was decorated in a later era. at the Third Crusade. Miniature from a manuscript of the 15th century. The coining of two deniers bearing an eagle in the die is certainly ascribable to the reign of Frederick Barbarossa. The first coin, likely minted for Frederick's coronation, features a flying eagle surrounded by leopards. The second coin, however, is particularly notable. This denier, datable to around 1180, features the eagle in the design that became the imperial insignia and was passed on to Henry VI: the eagle with wings lowered and its head turned to the right. Evolution and definition of the imperial insignia in a miniature from the Codex Manesse. in a miniature from the Historia Welforum. More generally, as the Italian historian Giuseppe Gerola underlined, it is likely that the heraldic characteristics of the coat of arms were not fully defined until the era of Henry VI, when the field or was established. In the illuminated manuscripts in which Henry VI appears depicted in the presence of heraldic symbols, it is possible to note, respectively, in the Codex Manesse and in the Nova Cronica, two miniatures, in each of which the field on which the imperial eagle is placed is or. Specifically, the miniature in the Codex Manesse depicts the arms of the eagle in sable alongside the emperor with an interesting peculiarity: the shield is bordured gules. This characteristic, the bordure, is also found in the shield with an eagle with head affronté present on the coin die, which was struck during the reign of either Conrad III or Frederick Barbarossa. These uncertainties in decoding the insignia field, which is also reproduced on the emperor's helmet and horse's caparison in the cited miniature, seem to support the opinion that the tinctures of the imperial arms had not been formally defined and their use was uncertain and changeable during the reign of Henry VI, "in the last decade of the 12th century, to which the poem of Peter of Eboli dates." after the Battle of Cortenuova (miniature from the Nova Cronica). For Frederick II, the eagle was "a real personal matter": there are many representations of the bird of prey in the iconography associated with the Sicilian emperor. The numerous differently sculpted eagles adorning the walls and other architectural elements of Federician buildings, such as Barletta Castle, are indicative of this. Moreover, the works that depict the eagle tearing other animals, such as snakes or hares, with its claws are particularly significant. These animals are used to represent the enemies of the Empire. Equally emblematic are "the splendid cameos", which were crafted throughout the Kingdom of Sicily during the first half of the thirteenth century. They are emblematic because of "the various types of eagles depicted with superb elegance" and because they celebrate the image of the stupor mundi. These fine works of art depict eagles "with extraordinary attention to naturalistic detail". to eagles with more natural, aggressive, and dynamic appearances. The latter is evident in the augustales, In particular, the position of the head was variable. Depending on the issue, coins were found with an eagle contourné and others without. Similarly, both specimens with an uncrowned eagle and specimens with a crowned eagle were found. : Frederick II meets Al-Kamil (miniature from the Nova Cronica). Regarding the question of the tincture of the field, Giovanni Antonio Summonte does not fail to specify in the Historia della Città e Regno di Napoli that Frederick II "bore the field or and the eagle sable" when referring to his arms. Moreover, it is possible to assert that, in contemporary or non-contemporary miniatures depicting the Stupor Mundi, the field of shields represented the norm. Similarly, the cloth of the banners unfurled by the armed men of Frederick II during the Sixth Crusade or by the Sicilian fleet during the Battle of Giglio was charged with an eagle sable. Image:Shield and Coat of Arms of the Holy Roman Emperor (c.1200-c.1300).svg|Coat of arms of the Holy Roman Empire Image:Arms of the Holy Roman Emperor (Hohenstaufen).svg|Coat of arms representative of the imperial dignity attributed to the House of Hohenstaufen Given the significance Frederick II attributed to the eagle, it is reasonable to argue that it was during his reign that the eagle became firmly established as "the definitive heraldic symbol of the Empire". This symbol survived the extinction of the Staufen dynasty and went on to distinguish all subsequent emperors. In his Enciclopedia araldico-cavalleresca, Crollalanza writes that, in the Middle Ages, the eagle was the emblem of imperial dignity, and kings of Germany bore it on their flags and shields. The heraldist admits the limitations of symbolic interpretations of tinctures and reports that an eagle sable on a field or is a "hieroglyph of valor and intrepidity." More generally, Crollalanza continues, the eagle symbolizes strength, power, greatness of soul, valor, and glory. == Arms of Swabia-Sicily ==
Arms of Swabia-Sicily
Origin and characteristics The marriage between Henry VI of Swabia and Constance I of Sicily marked the union between the House of Hohenstaufen and the House of Hauteville and the consequent ascent to the throne of Sicily of the Swabian sovereign. The adoption of the eagle with wings lowered sable as new royal insignia was directly connected to the advent of the Staufen dynasty, although the different sources do not agree regarding the sovereign who introduced it. This distinctive sign of the Kingdom of Sicily was placed in a field argent. These arms therefore became the blazon of Swabia-Sicily: Image:Arms of Swabia-Sicily.svg|Arms of Swabia-Sicily Adoption of the coat of arms , defended by Richard of Acerra (1191). Miniature from the Liber ad honorem Augusti. On December 25, 1194, Henry VI of Swabia was invested with the Sicilian crown. Already emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, he was the first of the Hohenstaufen to acquire the title of King of Sicily. According to one hypothesis, based on an analysis of miniatures depicting Henry VI in the Liber ad honorem Augusti, he introduced the eagle argent with wings lowered sable to the Kingdom of Sicily. However, corroborating this hypothesis proves difficult since, as mentioned above, the color of the shields associated with Henry VI in the aforementioned miniatures lends itself to dual interpretation. Assuming a dispersion of the pigment due to the sheet's state of conservation, the shield's field could be described as pale yellow and blazoned or. If one assumes, instead, that the faint pigmentation was not altered and was intended to represent white, the field of the coat of arms could be blazoned argent. If this second possibility were true, another question would arise: whether these arms with a field argent represented the Empire or the Kingdom of Sicily. Only in the latter case would the introduction of the coat of arms of Swabia-Sicily be attributable to Henry VI. If such an eventuality were confirmed, it could be seen as a symbolic representation of a political contingency. Namely, it would be a representation of the Papacy's claim to Frederick II that there should be a formal and substantial legal separation between the Empire and the Kingdom. Through solemn commitments, the Stupor Mundi had to repeatedly acknowledge this, even though he tried to avoid it, so as not to implement the "unio regni ad imperium" that the Catholic Church considered unacceptable. of Manfred. Miniature from the Nova Cronica. On the contrary, according to another hypothesis, the moment when the change of metals occurred would be delayed. Instead of attributing the substitution of argent in the original imperial insignia to Frederick II, it should be traced back to King Manfred. This would result in the new Sicilian arms. Image:Arms of King Manfred of Sicily.svg|Arms of Swabia-Sicily, introduced or, in any case, adopted by Manfred as King of Sicily Image:Incorrect Coat of Arms of Manfred, King of Sicily.svg|Erroneous blazon of the coat of arms of Manfred of Sicily Image:Attributed Coat of Arms of Manfred, King of Sicily (according to Goffredo di Crollalanza).svg|Coat of arms of Manfred of Sicily, according to Goffredo di Crollalanza Regardless of whether the initiative to use argent in place of or for the field of the Sicilian coat of arms preceded Manfred or was his own, it is plausible to conclude that the son of the Stupor Mundi certainly used this tincture for his own insignia. In this regard, the German heraldist Erich Gritzner maintained that, in 1261, Manfred's war banners were white silk charged with an eagle sable. Further confirmation, with all the limitations and cautions proper to this genre of probative findings, could also come from the iconography associated with the Sicilian sovereign, specifically the different miniatures of the Nova Cronica, in which the coat of arms associated with Manfred is argent with an eagle sable. Inveges agrees with Sancetta's assumptions and reiterates that "the eagle sable is the oldest coat of arms of the Kingdom of Sicily," although he cannot identify the sovereign who introduced it. However, he believes that the coat of arms' field was originally or. To corroborate his assertions, Inveges cites one of the coins described in Della Sicilia descritta con medaglie (1612), a work by the Sicilian numismatist Filippo Paruta. The reproduction of the obverse of the coin in question, which Paruta reports was struck during the reign of Roger II, shows an eagle with its wings lowered and facing to the right. Other sources also report theories attributing the primacy of introducing the eagle into the heraldry of the Kingdom of Sicily to the sovereigns of the House of Hauteville. One of these sources, in particular, claims that Tancred of Sicily, who was the nephew of Roger II and king from 1189 to 1194, had arms charged with an eagle, most likely or, as this figure of the aforementioned metal is visible on Tancred's standard and helm in certain miniatures of Peter of Eboli's Liber ad honorem Augusti. who married Peter III of Aragon in 1262. As a result of this union, the bars of Aragon—four gules and five or— were added to the eagle of Swabia-Sicily. The House of Aragon's use of the Siculo-Swabian arms made them arms of pretension, Inveges fails to explain the transformation of the wings from lowered to displayed. Instead, he comments on the addition of the crown and asserts that Peter III was the first sovereign to crown the eagle of the Sicilian coat of arms. (from the Annali della felice Città di Palermo prima sedia, corona del re, e capo del Regno di Sicilia, 1651). In their substantial work, Insegne e Simboli: Araldica Pubblica e Privata Medievale e Moderna, Giacomo Carlo Bascapè, Marcello Del Piazzo, and Luigi Borgia blazon the arms of Swabia-Sicily congruently with the representation of the new arms shown in Inveges's work: Image:Arms of Swabia-Sicily (modern).svg|New arms of Sicily, according to the definition of Agostino Inveges == Arms of ancient Swabia ==
Arms of ancient Swabia
Heraldist Angelo Scordo formulated a hypothesis that the ancient Swabian coat of arms, predating the three lions passant, consisted of three pinecones or on a field azure. Moreover, it can be agreed that the use of pinecones or conifers in the heraldry of Swabian families was anything but infrequent. These elements were characteristic of the region's landscape. Image:Arms of Swabia (ancient).svg|Arms of ancient Swabia (variant with pinecones set one and two) == Arms of Lamagna ==
Arms of Lamagna
Another coat of arms attributed to the Hohenstaufen is also of particular interest. Attestations of these arms are found in three important historiographical works: one from the late 16th century and two from the 17th century. These works were then recalled in subsequent analyses of the arms carried out in different eras. Between 1601 and 1602, the four books of the original edition of Giovanni Antonio Summonte's Historia della Città e Regno di Napoli were published, two of which were posthumous. Several reprints and expanded editions by other authors were made in the subsequent decades and up to the middle of the following century, the most widespread of which is that of 1675. The plates accompanying the biographies of the sovereigns of the House of Hohenstaufen in the Neapolitan historian's work depict two variants of the coat of arms. The first of these variants is associated with Henry VI. It is a coat of arms featuring a double-headed eagle surmounted by an imperial crown. On the eagle's chest is a particular escutcheon with a chief indented per fess from side to side. It is per pale with three disordered pinecones to the dexter and three lions passant to the sinister. , from a miniature of 1594. reproduced in a manuscript of the 17th century, based on the Thurnierbuch of the German herald Georg Rüxner. Agostino Inveges also mentions the same coat of arms in the third part of his most important work, Annali della felice Città di Palermo prima sedia, corona del re, e capo del Regno di Sicilia, which was printed between 1649 and 1651. The marriage of Frederick and Agnes legitimized the Hohenstaufen. Upon the death of Henry V, Agnes's brother and the last emperor of the Salian dynasty, the Hohenstaufen considered themselves heirs of this ancient family and advanced their claims to the imperial crown. Furthermore, the Waiblingens were direct descendants of Charlemagne in the female line. This was extremely relevant because it implied a divine right to the title of emperor, a fact of which Frederick II himself was proud. Image:Arms of Franconia.svg|Arms of Franconia Image:Arms of Swabia (ancient).svg|Arms of ancient Swabia Image:Arms of Swabia.svg|Arms of Swabia Image:Attributed Coat of Arms of Henry VI, Holy Roman Emperor (Historia della Città e Regno di Napoli).svg|Coat of arms of the "Swabians of Lamagna", according to Agostino Inveges , in the edition of 1675 (curated by Antonio Bulifon) of the Historia della Città e Regno di Napoli, by the Neapolitan historian Giovanni Antonio Summonte. The second variant of the insignia that appears in Summonte's work is visible at the base of the plate representing the Stupor Mundi. It is a coat of arms with a double-headed eagle. Just like the one presented for Henry VI, it bears an escutcheon in its heart. This escutcheon differs from the one previously seen because it has the addition of the Cross of Jerusalem. Originally per pale, it became tierced per pale with the Jerusalem arms charged in the last third. This addition is due to Frederick II's acquisition of the title of King of Jerusalem in 1225. Summonte explains that, following his marriage to Isabella II, the Stupor Mundi "united the arms of that kingdom with his own." . Miniature from the Nova Cronica. The coat of arms on the plate that opens the biography of Conrad IV is missing the Jerusalem cross, although the second son of the Puer Apuliae and Yolanda of Brienne was also invested with the title of King of Jerusalem, in addition to those of King of Sicily and King of the Romans. On the contrary, at the base of the plate dedicated to Manfred is reproduced the same coat of arms that was previously described for the Stupor Mundi, which is adorned with the Cross of Jerusalem. However, Manfred never assumed the royal title of Jerusalem, so this differs from what happened with Conrad IV. In Summonte's work on Conrad II, the coat of arms featuring a double-headed eagle reappears. The escutcheon is tierced per pale and bears the arms of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, into which the young Conrad was invested. Image:Arms of the Kingdom of Jerusalem.svg|Cross of Jerusalem Image:Attributed Coat of Arms of Frederick II, Holy Roman Emperor (Historia della Città e Regno di Napoli).svg|Coat of arms attributed to Frederick II, in the relative plate of the Historia della Città e Regno di Napoli Another Neapolitan historian, Scipione Mazzella, who was a contemporary of Summonte, wrote the Descrittione del Regno di Napoli, whose first edition was published in 1586. The work was reprinted in 1597 and in an expanded two-volume edition in 1601. It describes Frederick II's coat of arms, which features a tierced escutcheon on a single-headed eagle. The latter, however, is employed as a supporter in this reproduction. This particular use of the eagle in the imperial coat of arms was not known in the medieval era but was firmly established by the late 16th century. It was introduced by Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, in the 16th century. . It is highly probable that the coats of arms visible in Summonte's work were based on those in Mazzella's Descrittione del Regno di Napoli. At that time, it was common practice for printers to supplement publications with images from the works of other authors and publishers. Moreover, an examination of the various editions of Historia della Città e Regno di Napoli by Summonte reveals different representations of the aforementioned coats of arms. The arms with a per pale escutcheon and the arms with a tierced per pale escutcheon have minimal differences, though they are not negligible. In the first coat of arms, which is reproduced at the base of the plate with Henry VI's effigy, the three lions passant are contourny. In the second coat of arms, which is associated with Frederick II's depictions, as well as those of Manfred and Conrad II, the Cross of Jerusalem is replaced by a cross pattée coupée. Regarding the latter, although it is impossible to deduce details about the tinctures of the field and figure, it is reasonable to assume that it is a variant of the more well-known bimetallic arme à enquérir. There are other representations of the Kingdom of Jerusalem's insignia in which a single cross appears, whether pattée or not, of unspecified dimensions and gules tincture. Image:Arms of the Kingdom of Jerusalem (argent, a cross potent gules).svg|Arms of the Kingdom of Jerusalem (variant of argent, a cross potent gules) Image:Arms of the Kingdom of Jerusalem (argent, a cross pattée gules).svg|Arms of the Kingdom of Jerusalem (variant of argent, a cross pattée gules) Image:Variant of the Attributed Coat of Arms of Frederick II, Holy Roman Emperor (Historia della Città e Regno di Napoli).svg|Coat of arms attributed to Frederick II, in certain editions of the Historia della Città e Regno di Napoli The analysis of the arms, which Inveges identified as the arms of Lamagna and which would realistically be found in Mazzella's Descrittione del Regno di Napoli as the first work to report them, leaves open a fundamental question regarding the source of the reproduction of the coat of arms in the Neapolitan historian's volume. One might hypothesize that the source was a sculpture. == Arms bearing a double-headed eagle ==
Arms bearing a double-headed eagle
Premise The double-headed eagle is a characteristic element of the Hohenstaufen coat of arms. Besides being mentioned in the writings of Giovanni Antonio Summonte Attribution to Frederick II and criticisms attributed to Frederick II and to Otto IV in the Chronica Majora. The sporadic use of the double-headed eagle sable in a field or in imperial heraldry can be traced back to the years following the death of Henry VI. Specifically, it dates back to the disputes over the imperial title between Otto IV of Brunswick and Frederick II of Swabia. In particular, it was the English Benedictine monk Matthew Paris who reported, in his Chronica Majora, miniatures bearing the double-headed eagle sable in a field or, both for Otto IV and for Frederick II: Image:Attributed Coat of Arms of Frederick II, Holy Roman Emperor (or, double-headed eagle sable).svg|Coat of arms with the double-headed eagle attributed to Frederick II of Matthew Paris (miniature from the Historia Anglorum). Although Paris exclusively illuminated the double-headed eagle insignia for Frederick II, he specifies that the Stupor Mundi also used the single-headed eagle variant The insignia depicted in the miniatures of Paris make him, according to Gerola, the first author to document the use of imperial arms featuring a double-headed eagle. At the same time, his contemporaneity with the Stupor Mundi makes the English monk a "particularly qualified observer" and a reliable source. His attestations are corroborated by the coinage of the Sicilian emperor. To corroborate the work of Paris, certain coins minted during the Frederician era lend themselves well to this theory. These coins feature a double-headed eagle on the reverse side of the coin. These coins are also characterized by a small orb placed between the two heads of the eagle. Despite the reassurance provided by numismatics, authors such as Gritzner are skeptical about the effective adoption of the double-headed eagle figure by Frederick II. The German heraldist, in particular, believes that Paris's attribution of this effigy is the result of a misunderstanding. Moreover, Crollalanza contests the use of the double-headed eagle in the Frederician age or earlier. He ascribes the primacy of introducing this heraldic figure among the German emperors to Louis IV, Holy Roman Emperor. of the 13th century, traceable to the Seljuk dynasty, preserved at the ancient madrasa, today museum, of Konya. According to another theory, the origin of this symbol would be found in Hittite culture. The thesis is that this mythological figure was adopted by the Seljuks in the Middle Ages and then adopted by the Europeans during the Crusades. In this view, it is possible that the Sicilian knights "imported" the effigy of the double-headed eagle into their homeland after returning from the First Crusade. Alternatively, it cannot be ruled out that the symbol had already taken root on the island during the Islamic period. Even if one were to attribute the choice of this figure directly to the young Frederick, both theories would remain valid. As German historian Percy Ernst Schramm points out, the recall and coexistence of elements proper to the different cultures present in Sicily over the centuries was a peculiar characteristic of the Stupor Mundi's eclecticism. This characteristic could also have determined the definition of Frederician power symbology. These observations are further validated by the fact that, as Pastoureau reports, medieval Sicily was a true "emblematic laboratory in the heart of the Mediterranean," where Byzantine, Norman, and Muslim symbolic systems converged. For Conrad IV, the second son of Frederick II from his marriage to Yolanda of Brienne, the Chronica Majora illustrates a coat of arms bearing in chief a rising crescent gules enclosing a small roundel of the same color in a field or with a double-headed eagle. To explain this insignia, the rules of English heraldry can be used, at least partially. According to these rules, brisure with a crescent indicates a second-born son. Conrad was certainly the second-born son of King Henry. However, the presence of the roundel remains devoid of a plausible interpretation, it could be speculated that this cadency mark recalls the homage paid to Manfred by the Apulian nobles in 1254 and the support he received in his struggle against the papacy. Image:Attributed Coat of Arms of Enzo, King of Torres and Gallura (according to Matthew Paris).svg|Coat of arms attributed to Enzo of Sardinia, in the Historia Anglorum The same coat of arms, with the tinctures inverted (per pale or and vert) and a double-headed eagle sable, is attributed to Henry VII (firstborn son of Frederick II and Constance of Aragon) in the Chronica Majora. Henry VII was co-ruler of Sicily from 1212 to 1217 and King of the Romans from 1220 to 1235. Paris's choice of tinctures for these arms could be explained by Pastoureau's interpretation of this chromatic combination in the medieval cultural context. According to the French heraldist, vert, in particular, indicates the "perturbation of the established order," which symbolizes Henry's biography well. He betrayed his father by opposing the imperial authority, resulting in his deposition and condemnation to life imprisonment. ''. In the Historia Anglorum, however, Paris links a further coat of arms to Henry VII. This coat of arms is party per pale: in the first, or, is a double-headed eagle sable issuant; in the second, gules, is an anchored cross argent issuant, with the lower arm longer than the others. Image:Attributed Coat of Arms of Henry VII, King of Germany (according to Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora).svg|Coat of arms attributed to Henry VII, in the Chronica Majora Image:Attributed Coat of Arms of Henry VII, King of Germany (according to Matthew Paris, Historia Anglorum).svg|Coat of arms attributed to Henry VII, in the Historia Anglorum . Miniature from the Historia Anglorum. Another coat of arms with issuant figures is attributed to Henry Charles Otto. He was born from the marriage between Frederick II and Isabella of England, but died while still an adolescent. Reproduced in the Chronica Majora, the coat of arms is party per pale gules with three lions passant issuant, and or, a double-headed eagle sable issuant. It is essentially a fusion of the imperial insignia and that of the English monarchs: Image:Attributed Coat of Arms of Henry Charles Otto of Hohenstaufen (according to Matthew Paris).svg|Coat of arms attributed to Henry Charles Otto, in the Chronica Majora == Crusader arms ==
Crusader arms
In addition to the Signum Imperii and the Cross of Jerusalem, other Crusader emblems can also be traced back to members of the House of Hohenstaufen. For example, two crusader arms can be associated with Frederick Barbarossa: one bearing a Greek cross and the other bearing a Latin cross. The first coat of arms is visible on a coin probably minted for the Third Crusade. The emperor is depicted on horseback holding a triangular shield bordered and charged with a Greek cross. The other coat of arms can be seen in a medieval miniature depicting Barbarossa as a crusader. Behind the emperor is a large shield argent with a bordure and a Latin cross, both or. hunt. Miniature from the Codex Manesse. Another Crusader coat of arms, closely related to the coat of arms of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, is represented by an insignia associated with Conrad II and reproduced in a miniature in the Codex Manesse. The coat of arms has a golden field on which a black trefoil cross is placed, with the lower arm longer than the others and fitched at the foot. Interestingly, two other blazons exist for this insignia. According to some sources, one variant uses argent for the cross instead of sable while keeping the metal of the field. Another variant is reported by Angelo Scordo, in which the field changes to argent and the cross is gules. Image:Attributed Coat of Arms of Conrad II, King of Sicily (Codex Manesse).svg|Coat of arms attributed to Conrad II in the Codex Manesse == Imperial banner ==
Imperial banner
In particular during military actions, the German emperors used crusader banners, which were characterized by cloths of various colors up until the middle of the 12th century. One of the earliest records of imperial standards is an inventory from 1087 cited in the Chronica sacri monasterii casinensis. This inventory catalogs the abbey of Monte Cassino's treasures and includes a golden imperial banner. The Liber ad honorem Augusti by Peter of Eboli also reports several examples of Crusader banners. In one of the manuscript's miniatures, Frederick Barbarossa is depicted leading a group of knights. The knights' helms and banners feature Latin crosses, while a Greek cross appears on Barbarossa's right shoulder. This cross may have been added or gilded by another individual in a subsequent era. Image:War flag of the Holy Roman Empire (1200-1350).svg|The imperial war banner used from the early 13th century to the mid-14th century == See also ==
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