Nyon Conference

The Non-Intervention Committee, a group of twenty-four nations set up in 1936 and based in London, had attempted to restrict the flow of weapons to the parties of the Spanish Civil War. For the United Kingdom, it formed part of the policy of appeasement towards Germany and Italy and aimed at preventing a proxy war – with Italy and Germany supporting Franco's Nationalist Coalition on one side and the Soviet Union supporting the Republican faction on the other – from escalating into a major pan-European conflict. An Anglo-Italian "Gentleman's Agreement" had been signed on 2 January 1937, with each party respecting the rights of the other in the Mediterranean and aimed at improving Anglo-Italian relations. The British believed they could convince Italy to abandon Germany through appeasement. Under a Non-Intervention Committee plan, neutral observers were posted to Spanish ports and borders. The plan also assigned zones of patrol to the United Kingdom, France, Germany and Italy, and patrols began in April. Following attacks on the German cruiser Leipzig on 15 and 18 June, Germany and Italy withdrew from the patrols. The United Kingdom and France offered to replace Germany and Italy in patrols of their sections, but the latter powers believed these patrols would be too partial. The British Admiralty proposed four plans in response to attacks on British shipping, favouring sending significant naval resources to the Mediterranean as the best solution; previous control measures had been widely evaded. Whilst officially being at peace, The attack led the British representative in Rome to protest to the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, but without response. and the removal of foreign nationals was discussed by the Non-Intervention Committee. Italy had made a declaration on 7 January 1937 that it would stop Italian volunteers from fighting in Spain. and put a moratorium on volunteers on 20 January, also agreeing to support limitations on the number of volunteers on the 25th. Italy continued to request that belligerent rights be given to the Nationalists and Republicans, so both would gain the right to search vessels for contraband, thus removing the need for naval patrols. This request was opposed by the United Kingdom, France and the Soviet Union. British recognition of Italian sovereignty over Abyssinia following the Second Italo-Abyssinian War was an important issue during Anglo-Italian discussions in August 1937. Following Eden's disagreement with Chamberlain and Lord Halifax, Leader of the House of Lords and influential politician, over the issue, any agreement recognising Italian sovereignty was postponed until after the planned shipping conference had taken place. On 5 or 6 September, the British arranged a conference for all parties with a Mediterranean coastline, along with Germany. The conference was to be held at Nyon, Switzerland – Geneva was avoided because Italians associated it with the actions of the League of Nations over the Abyssinian Crisis. Camille Chautemps, the new French Prime Minister, opposed direct intervention on the Spanish question. The Soviet Union accepted the invitation, indicating that it would use the opportunity to blame Italy for the attacks on shipping. The Soviet government formally accused the Italians of sinking two Soviet merchant vessels, the Timiryazev and the Blagoev, an accusation the Italians described as "aggressive and offensive". This was perhaps an attempt by the Soviet Union to push Italy and Germany away from the conference. The United Kingdom and France rejected this suggestion, and continued to prepare for the conference. ==Provisions==

British and French naval staffs rejected the idea of a convoy system in draft proposals. The British wanted to curb submarine activity, on the theory that focusing on covert submarine attacks would help avoid confrontation, whereas the French considered surface vessels and aircraft just as important. The French protested at a plan to create multi-nation squadrons, unhappy at the prospect of French ships coming under foreign command. and the conference began on the 10th. Proceedings took two forms: discussions between the British and French, and formal meetings of all attending parties. Many of the other nations opposed the participation of the Soviet Navy in the Mediterranean, The conference ended on 14 September with the signing of the "Mediterranean Agreement". Signatories were the countries of Bulgaria, Egypt, France, Greece, Romania, Turkey, the United Kingdom, the USSR and Yugoslavia. The agreement noted attacks on neutral shipping by submarines, in contravention of the London Naval Treaty (signed in 1930) and the Submarine Protocol, part of the Second London Naval Treaty (signed in 1936). The agreement provided that any submarine that attacked neutral shipping was to be sunk if possible, including submarines in the vicinity of a recent attack that were determined to be responsible for the attack. It was agreed that Italy could participate in patrols of the Tyrrhenian Sea if it wished to do so. Delbos announced that similar proposals about surface craft would be prepared. The provisions of the agreement would come into force on 20 September. The French and British naval staffs moved to Geneva, where a second agreement was signed on 17 September 1937. It extended the rules governing submarine warfare to surface vessels, and had the same signatories. Official versions of both agreements were published in French and English. Several proposals were not implemented: for instance, the British Admiral Ernle Chatfield wanted the Spanish parties to be able to verify that the flag a ship was displaying was correct, thereby preventing attacks on British shipping if Republican ships continued to use the British flag as a means of escape. This would have benefited the Nationalists, and the French insisted that this provision be dropped. Greece and Turkey wanted ships with a clear identifying mark to be excluded, so as to avoid being forced to fire on a German or Italian warship. This was rejected, but an amendment was made allowing nations to issue their preferred orders in their own territorial waters. A suggestion to fire at any attacking aircraft was easily passed. Another suggestion on surface ships (which incorrectly stated no attack had yet been proven) was eventually toughened with the addition of a clause stating aggressors would be attacked, at the request of the French. A Soviet proposal strengthening the effect of the agreement was made. ==Aftermath==

in September 1938 Meanwhile, on 13 September, Italy was invited to join in the agreement. Italy unequivocally rejected it, refusing to patrol the Tyrrhenian Sea. It demanded "absolute parity" with the United Kingdom and France, meaning the same right of patrol in the Mediterranean. Italy subsequently indicated that its refusal would be reversed if such parity was granted. Meanwhile, on the 15th, Benito Mussolini's government sent two submarines to Francisco Franco's National Faction. and Italian patrols started on 10 November. The British government, and in particular Neville Chamberlain, desired better relations with Italy and these were achieved with the signing of the Anglo-Italian Agreements of 1938. On the whole, submarine activity during this period did not amount to much; patrols were again relaxed in May, and the agreement suspended in August. The success of the conference was in marked contrast to the failure of the Non-Intervention Committee. The Nationalists and Italians switched to using air power against shipping; The British press was in favour of the agreement, although The Times and The Guardian expressed some concerns. British historians have tended to see the Nyon Conference as an important stand against aggression, with some reservations. Christopher Seton-Watson describes it as a "diplomatic victory", The agreement created further divisions between Eden as foreign minister and Neville Chamberlain as prime minister. Elsewhere, French public opinion was strongly in favour of the outcome of the conference, The German mood was restrained, where the press were satisfied by the Soviet exclusion from patrols. In Spain, the Republicans – on the verge of disaster – were largely in favour, and the Nationalists strongly against. The Republicans praised the improved safety of the shipping routes, but were somewhat unhappy that belligerent rights had not been granted to both sides. The Nationalists made several complaints, including one over the route recommended to shipping, but none of these resulted in changes to the agreement. ==Notes==