MarketConstitutional reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina
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Constitutional reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina

The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina was amended once, in 2009, to include the outcome of the Brčko District final award. Several constitutional reforms were attempted between 2006 and 2014, to ensure its compliance with the case law of the European Convention on Human Rights in the Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina and following cases regarding ethnic- and residence-based discrimination in passive electoral rights for the Presidency and House of Peoples. None of these attempts have been successful so far, notwithstanding EU involvement and conditionality.

Procedure
entity , Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina entity and Brčko District condominium . In Article X, defining the amendment procedure, the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina states that it can be amended by a decision of the Parliamentary Assembly, including a two-thirds majority of those present and voting in the House of Representatives of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Constitution does not say who has the right, and under what rules, to present the amendments to the Parliamentary Assembly. Also, in the paragraph 2 of the Article X, the Constitution states that the rights and freedoms, as seen in the Article II, cannot be derogated, as well as the paragraph 2 itself. ==Chronology of Constitutional reform attempts==
Chronology of Constitutional reform attempts
Accession to the Council of Europe and 2005 Venice Commission Opinion Bosnia and Herzegovina became a member of the Council of Europe on 24 April 2002, thus committing to honour the obligations of membership stemming from Article 3 of the Statute of the Council of Europe, as well as the specific commitments listed in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) Opinion 234 (2002) on Bosnia and Herzegovina's application for membership, including the need to strengthen State institutions in relation to the entities, and to align the text of the Constitution to the Constitutional Court's decision on the "constituent peoples" case (U-5/98). It concluded that the Bonn Powers, although beneficial in the wake of the Bosnian War, do "not correspond to democratic principles when exercised without due process and the possibility of judicial control", and called for a "progressive phasing out of these powers and for the establishment of an advisory panel of independent lawyers for the decisions directly affecting the rights of individuals pending the end of the practice." U.S. diplomat R. Nicholas Burns stated that this would entail moving towards an individual presidency, a stronger prime minister, and a stronger parliament with a stronger speaker; reforms should have been adopted ahead of the 2006 general election. The Prud statement also explicitly called for amendments to be drafted with the expert assistance of international institutions. Dodik also started to further challenge the OHR and call for the repatriation of competences to the entities, relying on the growing support of Russia. 2009 Butmir process A renewed push for constitutional reforms came in late 2009, in view of the upcoming Sejdić and Finci ruling of the European Court of Human Rights and of the 2010 general election, despite diverging views between U.S. and EU actors. Yet, domestic consensus proved elusive, as each of the parties was stuck on maximalist positions. The draft was deemed too centralistic for the SNSD and the HDZ BiH, and not enough for the Social Democratic Party (SDP BiH) and the SBiH. Only the SDA was explicitly in favour. After two fruitless sessions, the talks were ended right before the European Court of Human Rights issued its Sejdić and Finci ruling in November 2009. Four subsequent cases also found that the constitution is discriminatory. However, as of 2022, it has yet to be amended. 2010–2012 parliamentary talks was elected to the post of Croat member of the Bosnian Presidency mostly by Bosniak voters, thus deeming him to be an illegitimate representative of Croat interests. The European Court of Human Rights ruling meant one further narrowing down of the constitutional reform agenda to issues of the European Convention on Human Rights compliance. This also meant finding a solution for the "Croat issue", i.e. the HDZ BiH's grievance following the defeat of Ivo Miro Jović in the 2006 general election by Željko Komšić (SDP BiH) thanks to cross-ethnic voting. A Parliamentary committee was tasked to discuss reforms in the spring of 2010, with no results. Election were held in October 2010, with no changes. Despite the political stalemate in the formation of a new government, between October 2010 and March 2012, the Parliament continued talks in the framework of a "Joint Ad Hoc Committee for the Implementation of the judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina", composed of 11 MPs from the House of Representatives and 2 MPs from the House of Peoples, headed by House of Representatives member Šefik Džaferović. While the committee agreed to add 3 representatives of the "Others" to the national House of Peoples (two elected from the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and one from Republika Srpska), no solution was found for the Presidency, with Bosnian Serbs insisting for direct election of their member, and Bosnian Croats calling for either indirect election or a separate constituency to avoid future Komšić cases. In March and April 2013, with the support of the Director-General for Enlargement Stefano Sannino, the EU Delegation in Sarajevo facilitated a series of direct talks between party leaders, but with no concrete outcome. During the summer of 2013, Čović and Bosnian Presidency member Bakir Izetbegović reached a political agreement on several files, from Mostar to Sejdić–Finci, in parallel to the initiative led by the U.S. Embassy for a constitutional reform of the Federal entity. An agreement on principles on how to solve the Sejdić–Finci issue was signed by political leaders in Brussels on 1 October 2013, but it evaporated right after. Three further rounds of negotiations among political leaders were led together with Füle, in a castle near Prague in November 2013, and later in Sarajevo in the first months of 2014, also with the presence of the U.S. and the Venice Commission. Despite high hopes, a solution could not be found, as the HDZ BiH required the absolute arithmetical certainty of being able to occupy the third seat of the Bosnian Presidency – which, given that the Sejdić–Finci ruling was actually about removing ethnic discrimination in the access to the same Presidency, could not be provided by any possible model. Talks were ended on 17 February 2014, while popular protests were ongoing in Sarajevo and in the rest of the country. ==Entity-level constitutional reforms ==
Entity-level constitutional reforms
Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina The Constitution of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been amended over 109 times since its adoption, mainly via impositions of the High Representative to ensure compliance with the decisions of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina. No consolidated version has been adopted by the Federal Parliament so far. In parallel to EU-facilitated talks on the Sejdić-Finci issue at State level, in February 2013, the U.S. Embassy supported an expert working group which presented its 188 recommendations to the Federal House of Representatives, aiming to address the costly and complex governance structures with overlapping competences between the Federation, the Cantons and the municipalities as currently entailed in the Federal Constitution. The initiative was, ultimately, not adopted by Parliament. ==Reform proposals by Bosnian civil society==
Reform proposals by Bosnian civil society
• In September 2003, a group of intellectuals in the framework of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, led by Mesud Sabitović, drafted proposals for constitutional changes which would have defined Bonsnia and Herzegovina as a federal republic. The proposals were forwarded to the Parliamentary, but not taken forward. • In 2007, the Sarajevo-based NGO Foreign Policy Initiative (VPI) issued the report 'Governance Structures in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Capacity, Ownership, EU Integration, Functioning State', in which, among other things, it recommended substantial reforms along the lines of the April Package, and including an EU Supremacy Clause. • The Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation Office in Bosnia and Herzegovina (SDC) supported a multi-year project entitled 'Contribution to Constitutional Reform' (CCR), engaging many prominent domestic NGOs such as the Human Rights Center of the University of Sarajevo (HRC), ACIPS, the Institute for Social Science Research at the Faculty of Political Science in Sarajevo, the Association of Democratic Initiatives (ADI) and the entity associations of cities and municipalities. Two of the Swiss implementing partners, ACIPS and the Law Institute, developed packages of reform proposals, largely in line with the Venice Commission and April Package guidelines. • USAID and the National Endowment for Democracy supported the Forum Građana Tuzle (Forum of the Citizens of Tuzla) in preparing a proposal for constitutional reform. • An informal network of women's NGOs proposed a package as well, focused on gender equality and women's rights. • The group Coalition 143 (K143) calls for decentralization of powers to the municipal level and the abolition of entities and cantons. The idea was first spearheaded by the mayor of Foča, Zdravko Krsmanović. • The Green Council advocates for sector-specific constitutional reform, including a state-level Ministry of Agriculture. ==Reform proposals by foreign think tanks==
Reform proposals by foreign think tanks
• In 2004, the European Stability Initiative proposed to abolish the Federal entity and have a federal system with 10 cantons, Republika Srpska and Brčko District on the same level, below the State. • In 2014, the International Crisis Group proposed a summary of various models, including: • a three-entity Bosnia and Herzegovina, catering to Bosnian Croat political aims; • a model based on Belgium's linguistic communities, which could "give territorially flexible political substance to the three [political] communities"; • a simplified federal model, based on the abolition of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (cf. ESI 2004); • a federal but liberal Bosnia and Herzegovina (for which they assess there is no political feasibility); • a model based on the Swiss "directoire", merging the Presidency and Council of Ministers in a single executive body, gathering the most-voted MPs, with a mandatory coalition rule based on electoral results (p. 29-33); • a model based on municipalization, with the abolition of the cantons, possibly coupled with an association of Croat-majority municipalities and a mandatory coalition at the Federal level (p. 33-34); ==References==
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