The Bolsheviks and the Peasantry Beginning in the spring of 1917, following the
February Revolution, peasants across the former Russian Empire seized lands belonging to the state, nobility, church, and monasteries. The
October Revolution and its
Decree on Land legitimized these seizures, leaving redistribution to the
traditional village commune. During the ensuing
Russian Civil War, both Red and
White armies requisitioned grain, though peasants generally regarded the Reds as the lesser evil due to fears that a White victory would restore the landlords. The increasing ruthlessness of
Bolshevik requisitioning nevertheless alienated much of the peasantry, particularly in major grain-producing regions. Following the end of the civil war, peasant revolts broke out in Tambov and Ukraine, and in 1921–1922 the Volga region suffered a devastating
famine that killed approximately five million people, caused in large part by years of excessive grain requisitioning. The
New Economic Policy (NEP), introduced in 1921, replaced requisitions with taxes and permitted market exchange in agricultural goods. For the peasantry, who constituted approximately 85 percent of the Soviet population, the NEP years brought a period of relative prosperity and autonomy. The Bolsheviks commanded little to no authority in rural villages. The Soviet regime remained alien to most peasants, and incoming party functionaries, hailing almost entirely from cities, found themselves in a hostile environment. Villages continued to govern themselves through the traditional assembly (skhod), while the Bolshevik-sponsored village soviets exercised little real influence.
Lenin and the Bolsheviks viewed this persistence with suspicion, regarding the peasantry as potential restorers of capitalism.
Industrialization and collectivization The Soviets' chief economic priority during the NEP was industrialization, to be financed through grain exports. In the mid-1920s, the party debated how heavily to tax the peasantry:
Yevgeni Preobrazhensky of the
Left Opposition argued that the state should pay low prices for grain while charging high prices for industrial goods, transferring wealth from the countryside to fund industrial growth, while
Nikolai Bukharin of the
Right Opposition warned that squeezing the peasantry too hard would destroy the
smychka (alliance between workers and peasants) and destabilize the nascent regime. Echoing Preobrazhensky, Stalin declared that the peasantry owed a "tribute" to pay for industrialization and to feed the cities and army, and he argued that
collective farms were the best means of extracting such a tribute. On 7 November 1929, he proclaimed a "great turn," claiming that middle peasants were voluntarily joining collectives. Targets were revised sharply upward: full collectivization of major grain-producing regions was now expected by autumn 1930. By 1 January 1930, official figures showed 18.1 percent of peasant households collectivized nationwide, with far higher rates in grain-producing regions. In practice, most who joined were poor peasants, and regional campaigns had already resorted to coercion.
Grain procurement crisis In 1927, despite a good harvest, the amount of grain reaching state purchasers dropped sharply. Peasants had multiple reasons to hold back grain: consumption levels had risen during the NEP years, a shortage of manufactured goods meant there was little worth buying, and the
war scare of 1927 encouraged hoarding. The Stalinist faction attributed the shortfall to a "kulak grain strike." In 1928 and 1929, the party implemented increasingly coercive procurement methods. Village assemblies were pressured to assign grain quotas to individual households, particularly targeting those labeled as kulaks. Peasants who failed to deliver grain faced fines of up to five times the value of the undelivered grain, prosecution under Article 107 of the criminal code for speculation and hoarding, and confiscation of property. In June 1929, new legislation made entire villages collectively responsible for meeting quotas. Peasants resisted by burying grain, transferring stocks to relatives, selling to private traders, or simply consuming more themselves. Better-off peasants increasingly engaged in "self-dekulakization," selling their property and fleeing to cities before it could be confiscated. == Dekulakization in 1930s ==