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Don Dunstan

Donald Allan Dunstan was an Australian politician who served as the 35th premier of South Australia from 1967 to 1968, and again from 1970 to 1979. He was a member of the House of Assembly (MHA) for the division of Norwood from 1953 to 1979, and leader of the South Australian Branch of the Australian Labor Party from 1967 to 1979. Before becoming premier, Dunstan served as the 38th attorney-general of South Australia and the treasurer of South Australia. He is the fourth longest serving premier in South Australian history.

Early life and education
Donald Allan Dunstan was born on 21 September 1926 in Suva, Colony of Fiji, the son of Francis Vivian Dunstan and Ida May Dunstan ('''' Hill), Australians of Cornish descent. His parents had moved to Fiji in 1916 after his father took up a position as manager of the Adelaide Steamship Company. He gained a reputation as a maverick. During this time, Dunstan did not board and lived in the seaside suburb of Glenelg with relatives. In his youth, influenced by his uncle, former Liberal Lord Mayor of Adelaide Sir Jonathan Cain, Dunstan was a supporter of the conservative Liberal and Country League (LCL) and handed out how-to-vote cards for the party at state elections. Dunstan later said of his involvement with the Liberals: "I do not call it snobbery to deride the Establishment in South Australia, I admit that I was brought up into it, and I admit that it gave me a pain." When asked of his roots, he said, "I'm a refugee from it and thank God for somewhere honest to flee to!" His political awakening happened during his university years. Studying law and arts at the University of Adelaide, Dunstan was markedly different from the general membership of the Labor Party of the time; upon applying for membership at Trades Hall, a Labor veteran supposedly muttered "how could that long-haired prick be a Labor man?" His peculiarities, such as his upper-class accent, ==Political beginnings==
Political beginnings
Dunstan was nominated as the Labor candidate for the electoral district of Norwood at the 1953 election. His campaign was noted for his colourful methods to sway voters: posters of his face were placed on every pole in the district, and Labor supporters walked the streets advocating Dunstan. He targeted in particular the large Italian migrant population of the district, distributing translated copies of a statement the sitting LCL member Roy Moir had made about immigrants. Moir had commented that "these immigrants are of no use to usa few of them are tradesmen but most of them have no skills at all. And when they intermarry we'll have all the colours of the rainbow." Dunstan was to become the most vocal opponent of the LCL Government of Sir Thomas Playford, strongly criticising its practice of electoral malapportionment, known as the Playmander, a pun on the term gerrymander. This system gave a disproportionate electoral weight to the LCL's rural base, He added colour and flair to debate in South Australian politics, changing the existing "gentlemanly" method of conducting parliamentary proceedings. In 1954, the LCL introduced the Government Electoral Bill, which was designed to further accentuate the undue weight favouring rural voters. During the debate, Dunstan decried this "immoral Bill... I cannot separate it from the motives of those who put it forward. Since it is immoral, so are they." ==Max Stuart trial==
Max Stuart trial
In December 1958 there occurred an event that initially had nothing to do with Playford, but eventually intensified into a debacle regarded as a turning point in his premiership and marked the end of his rule. Dunstan was prominent in pressuring Playford during this time. A young girl was found raped and murdered, and Max Stuart, an Aboriginal man, was convicted and sentenced to be executed. Stuart's lawyer claimed that the confession was forced, and appeals to the Supreme and High Courts were dismissed. Amid objections against the fairness of the trial among an increasing number of legal academics and judges, The News brought much attention to Stuart's plight with an aggressive, tabloid-style campaign. When Playford and the Executive Council decided not to reprieve Stuart, an appeal to the Privy Council was made to stall the execution. Spearheaded by Dunstan, Labor then tried to introduce legislation to stall the hanging. Amid hue and cry, Playford started a Royal Commission to review the case. However, two of the commissioners had already been involved in the trial and one of the appeals. This provoked worldwide controversy with claims of bias from Dunstan and Labor, who also attacked Playford for what they regarded as a too-restrictive scope of inquiry. The Royal Commission began its work and the proceedings were followed closely and eagerly debated by the public. As Playford did not commute Stuart's sentence, Dunstan introduced a bill to abolish capital punishment. The vote was split along party lines and was thus defeated, but Dunstan used the opportunity to attack the Playmander with much effect in the media, portraying the failed legislation as an unjust triumph of a malapportioned minority who had a vengeance mentality over an electorally repressed majority who wanted a humane outcome. Amid the continuing uproar, Playford decided to grant clemency. The Royal Commission concluded that the guilty verdict was sound. Although a majority of those who spoke out against the handling of the matter (including Dunstan) thought Stuart was probably guilty, the events provoked heated and bitter debate in South Australian society and destabilised Playford's administration, while bringing much publicity to Dunstan. From 1959 onwards, the LCL government clung to power with the support of two independents, as Labor gained momentum. Always at the forefront, Dunstan lambasted the government for perceived underspending on social welfare, education, health and the arts. Dunstan heavily promoted himself as a reformer. ==Ascent to power==
Ascent to power
Federally, Dunstan, together with fellow Australian Fabian Society member Gough Whitlam, set about removing the White Australia policy from the Labor platform. The older trade-unionist-based members of the Labor Party vehemently opposed changing the status quo. However, the "New Guard" of the party, of which Dunstan was a part, were determined to bring about its end. Attempts in 1959 and 1961 failed, with Labor leader Arthur Calwell stating, "It would ruin the Party if we altered the immigration policy... it was only cranks, long hairs, academics and do-gooders who wanted the change." However, Dunstan persisted in his efforts, and in 1965 it was removed from the Labor platform at their national conference; Dunstan personally took credit for the change. Dunstan pursued similar reforms with respect to Indigenous Australians. In 1962, the Aboriginal Affairs Bill was introduced to liberalise constraints that had been placed on Indigenous Australians in the past and had effectively resulted in segregation. The initial proposal still retained some restrictions, placing more controls over full-blooded Aboriginal people. Dunstan was prominent in Labor's opposition to the double standards, and called for abolition of race-based restrictions, saying that social objectives could be achieved without explicit colour-based schemes. Despite the passage of the bill, restrictions remained in place and Dunstan questioned the policy of assimilation of Aboriginal people, which he saw as the diluting of their distinctive cultures. Labor won the seats of Glenelg and Barossa at the 1965 election, after winning the seats of Chaffey and Unley at the 1962 election. Labor thus finally overcame the Playmander and formed government for the first time in 32 years, with Frank Walsh as Premier of South Australia. Despite winning 55 percent of the primary vote, the Playmander was still strong enough that Labor won only 21 of 39 seats, a two-seat majority. Dunstan became Attorney-General and Minister of Community Welfare and Aboriginal Affairs. He was far and away the youngest member of the cabinet; he was the only minister under 50, and one of only three under 60. Dunstan had a major impact on Government policy as Attorney-General. , situated on the cultural boulevard of North Terrace The Walsh Government implemented significant reform in its term of office. Liquor, gambling and entertainment laws were overhauled and liberalised, social welfare was gradually expanded and Aboriginal reserves were created. Strong restrictions on Aboriginal access to liquor were lifted. and the State Planning Authority was created to oversee development. but due to lack of public interest, outcry was minimal. In particular, the council blocked electoral reform legislation, paving the way for a probable LCL win at the next election. Such was Dunstan's pre-eminence during his term as Attorney-General that the cabinet was often called the "Dunstan Ministry". An economic depression had begun in South Australia after the Labor government gained office in 1965; unemployment went from the lowest in the country to the second highest, while immigration levels dropped. In the 1966 Australian federal election, Labor suffered a swing against it of 11.8% in South Australia, double the national average. If this was replicated at a state election, it was projected that Labor would hold only ten of the 39 seats. The Liberals dropped Playford as the state leader, and the younger and more progressive Steele Hall took his place. In a dire situation with the next state election looming, Labor changed leaders with Walsh, a "neanderthal figure in the television age", Dunstan's first Premiership was eventful, with a steady stream of reform and attempts to end the depression. The latter half of 1967 saw the beginnings of a slight recovery, with unemployment dipping and industrial capacity steadying. The 1967–68 budget ran into deficit, allocating funds to energise the economic engine whilst Dunstan lambasted the Federal Government for neglecting the South Australian economy, demanding it take a degree of responsibility for its ills. ==Elections (1968–1970)==
Elections (1968–1970)
In preparation for the 1968 election, Labor campaigned heavily around its leader, and this resonated with voters; in surveys conducted in parts of the metropolitan area, 84% of respondents declared their approval of Dunstan. In a presidential-style election campaign, Hall and Dunstan journeyed across the state advocating their platforms, and the major issues were the leaders, the Playmander and the economy. With his upbeat style, Dunstan also made an impact in the print media, which had long been a bastion of the LCL. . The Assembly's composition was radically altered after changes were made to electoral legislation, abolishing the electoral malapportionment of the "Playmander". On 16 April, the first day of the new House's sitting, Dunstan lost a confidence vote. With it now clear that the LCL had control of the House, Dunstan tendered his resignation to Governor Edric Bastyan. Hall was then sworn in as premier. However, the six weeks of protesting had brought nationwide criticism of the unfairness of the electoral system and put more pressure on the LCL to relent to reforms; it has been seen as one of the most important political events of its time. and planning for the Festival Centre began. The conservative and rural factions of the League, notably in the Legislative Council dominated by the landed gentry, were bitterly opposed to some reforms, and more than once Hall was forced to rely on Labor support to see bills passed. The LCL began to break apart; what had once been a united party was now factionalised into four distinct groups across the political spectrum. The economy of South Australia began to pick up under Hall, returning to full employment. During the term in opposition, Des Corcoran became Dunstan's deputy, and the pair worked together well despite any rift that may have been caused by the struggle to succeed Walsh. Stott withdrew support in 1970 over the Chowilla Dam, a dispute over the location of a dam on the Murray River, and South Australia went to the polls. Dunstan won the 1970 South Australian state election easily, taking 27 seats compared with the LCL's 20. Although the share of the votes had been similar to 1968, the dilution of the Playmander had changed the share of the seats. As Labor had attained a majority of the popular vote for a long period, and because malapportionment had been largely ended, the political scientists Neal Blewett and Dean Jaensch said: "A Dunstan decade seems assured." ==Dunstan decade==
Dunstan decade
in 1970 Dunstan wasted no time in organising his new ministry. He served as his own Treasurer, and took several other portfolios for himself. Bert Shard became Health Minister, overseeing the construction and planning of new, major public hospitals: the Flinders Medical Centre and Modbury Hospital. Geoff Virgo, the new Transport Minister, was to deal with the Metropolitan Adelaide Transport Study (MATS) plans. Len King was made Attorney-General and Aboriginal Affairs Minister despite being a new member of parliament. in April 1971 Soon after the election, Dunstan travelled to Canberra for the annual Premiers' Conference as the sole Labor premier. His Government, on a mandate to dramatically increase funding in key areas, sought to appropriate further finances from the Federal Government. This brought Dunstan into conflict with Prime Minister John Gorton, and federal funding to SA was not increased. An appeal was made to the Federal Grants Commission, and Dunstan was awarded more than he had hoped for. In addition to the money received from the Grants Commission, funds were diverted from water-storage schemes in the Adelaide Hills over the advice of engineers, and cash reserves were withdrawn from the two government-owned banks. The monies were subsequently used to finance health, education and arts schemes. On the death in office of Governor Sir James Harrison in 1971, Dunstan finally had the opportunity to put forward a nominee for governor of his own choosing to HM Queen Elizabeth II (and by extension the British Foreign Office which still technically oversaw the appointment process of Australian state governors until the Australia Act 1986): Sir Mark Oliphant, a physicist who had worked on the Manhattan Project. Dunstan had never been happy that governors were usually British ex-servicemen and it was a personal goal of his to see an active and notable South Australian take on the role; Sir Mark Oliphant was uneventfully sworn in. Although the post is mostly ceremonial (with the exception of constitutional responsibilities), Oliphant brought energy to the role and he used his stature to decry damage to the environment caused by deforestation, excessive open-cut mining and pollution. and the MATS plan and water-storage schemes were in planning to accommodate this. These were summarily rejected by the Dunstan Government, which planned to build a new city 83kilometres from Adelaide, near Murray Bridge. The city, to be known as Monarto, was to be built on farmland to the west of the existing town. Dunstan was very much against allowing Adelaide's suburbs to further sprawl, and thus Monarto was a major focus of his government. The government hoped Adelaide would not sprawl into the Mount Lofty Ranges to the east and that the bureaucracy would be dispersed from the capital. In contrast, public servants feared being forced into the rural settlement. Critics (of whom there were many) derided the project as "Dunstan's Versailles in the bush". Environmental activists aired fears of the effects of Monarto on the River Murray, which was already suffering from pollution and salinity problems. Later on, it was noticed that there was hard bedrock underneath the ground, raising drainage problems. drinking laws were further liberalised, an Ombudsman was created, seat belts were made mandatory, and the public service was gradually increased (doubling in size during the Dunstan era). Adelaide's water supply was fluoridated in 1971 and the age of majority was lowered from 21 to 18. although it was viewed with suspicion by some in the Anglo-Saxon establishment. Dunstan himself later recalled: "When I proposed the establishment of a Cornish Festival, in Australia's 'Little Cornwall', people of Cornish descent came flocking." Having been vocal in criticising Playford for sacrificing heritage to the march of development, Dunstan was prominent in protecting historic buildings from being bulldozed for high-rise office blocks. In 1972, the government intervened to purchase and thereby save Edmund Wright House on King William Street from being replaced with a skyscraper. In 1975, the Customs House at Semaphore was purchased to save it from demolition. In contrast, there were also some controversial developments. Part of the rocky Hallett Cove on Gulf St Vincent in Adelaide's southern suburbs was developed for housing, as were vineyards in Morphettville, Tea Tree Gully, Modbury, and Reynella. This attracted criticism, as Dunstan was prominent in promoting South Australian viticulture and enotourism. In pursuit of economic links with the nations of South-East Asia, Dunstan came into contact with the leaders of the Malaysian state of Penang in 1973. Striking a note with Chong Eu Lim, the Chief Minister, Dunstan set about organising cultural and economic engagement between the two states. "Penang Week" was held in Adelaide in July, and in return, "South Australia Week" was held in Penang's capital, George Town. In the same year, the Adelaide Festival Centre was openedAustralia's first multifunction performing arts complex. Over a six-year period, government funding for the arts was increased by a factor of seven and in 1978, the South Australian Film Corporation commenced work. During Dunstan's time in charge, acclaimed films such as Breaker Morant, Picnic at Hanging Rock and Storm Boy were made in the state. Dunstan's support of the arts and fine dining was credited by commentators with attracting artists, craftspeople and writers into the state, helping to change its atmosphere. The Legislative Council, the upper house of Parliament, was, due to its limited electoral roll, overwhelmingly non-Labor. Unlike the Lower House, its members were elected only by voters who met certain property and wealth requirements. Combined with the remains of the "Playmander" malapportionment, it was difficult for the Labor Party to achieve the representation it wished. The Legislative Council either watered down or outright rejected a considerable amount of Labor legislation; A referendum had indicated support for Friday night shopping, but Labor legislation was blocked in the upper house by the LCL. in Canberra in 1973 Dunstan called an election for March 1973, hoping to gain a mandate to seek changes to the council. The LCL were badly disunited; the more liberal wing of the party under Hall joined Dunstan in wanting to introduce universal suffrage for the upper house, while the more conservative members of the LCL did not. The conservatives then decided to limit Hall's powers, resulting in his resignation and creation of the breakaway Liberal Movement (LM), which overtly branded itself as a semi-autonomous component within the LCL. Labor capitalised on the opposition divisions to secure an easy victory. They campaigned under the slogan "South Australia's Doing Well with Labor", while the LCL was hampered by infighting; many LCL candidates were claiming different leaders in their electoral material depending on their factional allegiance. The Labor Party won with 51.5% of the primary vote and secured a second consecutive majority government with 26 seats. It was only the second time a Labor government in South Australia had been re-elected for a second term, the first being the early Thomas Price Labor government. It would be the first five-year-incumbent Labor government however. They also gained two more seats in the Legislative Council to have six of the twenty members. Labor entered the new term with momentum when a fortnight after the election, the LCL purged LM members from its ranks, forcing them to either quit the LM or leave the LCL and join the LM as a distinct party. Dunstan, seeing this as unfeasible in his term, set about to reform it instead. Two bills were prepared for Legislative Council reform; one to lower the voting age to 18 and introduce universal suffrage, and another to make councillors elected from a single statewide electorate under a system of proportional representation. The LCL initially blocked both bills, stating that it would accept them only if modifications were made to the second one. Changes were conceded; unlike the House of Assembly, voting would not be compulsory and the preference system was to be slightly altered. Once the amendments were made, the legislation was passed. During his second term, Dunstan started efforts to build a petrochemical complex at Redcliff, near Port Augusta. Negotiations were held with several multinational companies, but nothing eventuated. Prior to the 1975 federal and state elections, Australia, and South Australia in particular, had been hit by a series of economic problems. The 1973 oil crisis had massively increased the cost of living, domestic industry began to erode due to a lack of cost-competitiveness, and government funds were waning. In response, the Dunstan Government sold loss-making railways to the Commonwealth and brought in new taxes to allow wage rises. The changes had unexpected consequences: inflation, already high, increased markedly, and workers were still displeased with wages. The LCL, now known as the Liberal Party, had rebuilt after internal schism and had modernised to make themselves more appealing to the public. Labor remained the largest party in Parliament, but lost the two-party preferred vote at 49.2% and saw its numbers decrease from 26 to 23. The LCL held 20 seats, the Liberal Movement two, the Country Party one, and the last remaining with an independent, the nominally Labor Mayor of Port Pirie, Ted Connelly. Dunstan appealed to Connelly and offered him the role of Speaker. However, the reforms to the Legislative Council's election bore fruit. Of the 11 seats up for election, Labor won six with 47.3% of the vote, and the LM two, allowing Labor a total of 10 seats. This meant they could now, with the help of the LM, push through reforms opposed by the Liberals. Dunstan continued to try to push through further legislation; he sought to expand on the Hall Government's electoral-boundaries reform, to bring it closer to one vote one value. The legislation sought to establish 47 electoral districts containing roughly equal numbers of voters (with a 10% tolerance). Redistributions were to be presided over by an independent boundaries commission. The bill passed with the support of the breakaway LM in the upper houseformer Premier Steele Hall and his former Attorney-General Robin Millhouse.God would destroy Adelaide with a tsunami caused by an earthquake. In 1976, the Dunstan Government stepped up its legislative efforts. Some bills, such as the one to remove the sodomy law and decriminalise male homosexuality, had been initially blocked by the Legislative Council. However, the bill to abolish capital punishment passed with ease, and the homosexuality law reforms eventually passed in September. Rape law was properly codified and defined as a crime within marriage for the first time in Australia. Shopping hours, previously the most restrictive in the nation, became the most open. Following a royal commission, Friday night shopping was introduced for the city and Thursday night shopping for the suburbs. In addition, the federal government removed subsidies for shipbuilding at Whyalla, forcing the operations to be scaled down. However, this appointment was not successful; Seaman became involved in an unspecified scandal and made a statement admitting to a "grave impropriety", without elaborating further. He did not resign and kept a low profile from then on. Dunstan also appointed Dame Roma Mitchell to become the nation's first female Supreme Court judge. Dunstan broke new ground in Australian politics with his policies on native title for Aboriginal people. The North West Aboriginal Reserve (NWAR) covered more than 7% of the state's land, and was inhabited by the Pitjantjatjara people. In 1977, when the NWAR was about to be transferred to the Aboriginal Lands Trust, a tribal delegation asked for the lands to be given to the traditional owners. Dunstan agreed to an investigation, and subsequently introduced the Pitjantjatjara Land Rights Bill. This bill proposed for a tribal body, the Anangu Pitjantjatjaraku, to take control of the NWAR and further lands after the claims were cleared by an independent tribunal. It also proposed to allow the body to decide mining proposals on the land and receive royalties. The legislation, the bedrock of which was laid by Dunstan, was the most reformist in Australia, and in the 1980s, more than 20% of the land was returned to its traditional owners. Dunstan called another snap election in September at the 1977 election; he hoped to recover from the previous election, the outcome of which had been affected by the dismissal of the Federal Labor Government. As the remnants of the Playmander had been abolished, conditions were more favourable for Labor and they wanted to end their reliance on the casting vote of the speaker. The campaign proceeded smoothly and exploited the unpopularity of the federal Liberal government, using the jingle "Thank the Lord for South Australia". Salisbury affair and departure from office Since 1949, there had been a "Special Branch" within the South Australian Police, for the purposes of surveillance and espionage. Conceived in 1939 an "intelligence branch", to maintain surveillance of the large German Australian community during World War II, it had amassed information on tens of thousands of individuals and organisations. Although only two Labor MPs, from both federal and state parliaments, did not have files, the branch held significantly fewer files relating to Liberal Party figures. but said that he had been assured by the police commissioner that its files were not systematically focused on left-wing political figures. However, Peter Ward, a journalist and former Dunstan staffer, published a story about the files. It said the dossiers did exist and that they were "scandalously inaccurate, irrelevant to security purposes and outrageously unfair to hundreds, perhaps thousands, of loyal and worthy citizens". However, controversy erupted regarding the inquiry and Dunstan's subsequent actions because Salisbury had a reputation as a man of integrity. Ward claimed that Dunstan had known about the true contents of the files for several years. A Royal Commission under Justice Mitchell, Dunstan had sacked Salisbury for misleading Parliament about the existence of the "pink files" and many of the Special Branch files were burnt. Salisbury retired to the United Kingdom with a $160,000 payout. Stewart Cockburn wrote a book, The Salisbury Affair, about the debacle. There were initially no other major controversies for Dunstan, although the economy remained poor and the Redcliff complex was still in limbo, because an agreement with Dow was still to be finalised. The financial difficulties forced a freeze on public sector expansion and hospital developments, and there were claims of theft and mismanagement in the health system. However, the Liberal opposition was in a disorganised state and unpopular, so they were not able to pressure Dunstan effectively. Towards the end of the year, political and media scrutiny of Dunstan began to grow, and he became uneasy in his dealings with the press. Soon after the Salisbury dismissal, he walked out of a stormy media conference after refusing to be drawn on the rumoured sacking of Seaman from the gubernatorial role. Increasing innuendo about Dunstan's private life, and allegations of corruption and economic mismanagement were worsened by Dunstan's self-righteous tendencies. The premier angrily denied claims that he was using government funds to build an opulent residence in Malaysia, as well as claims about his sexual lifestyle. Dunstan also faced difficulties on policy issues. Factional cracks began to appear in the Labor Party, and the discovery of uranium deposits near the northern outback town of Roxby Downs put the premier in a bind. Mining the uranium promised to provide a valuable economic boost in difficult times, but a government ban on its mining, on safety grounds, was still in force. By the summer that followed Dunstan became extremely ill. When Parliament resumed, he collapsed on the floor of the House and was forced to use a walking stick; his doctor advised him that he required six months of rest to recover. The Liberal Opposition seized on the state of affairs and charged that the Labor Party was "as ailing as the man who led it". In a stage-managed press conference on 15 February 1979, Dunstan announced his retirement as premier from his room in Calvary Hospital, clearly shaking and wearing a dressing gown. The book, ''It's Grossly Improper'', by two Adelaide journalists, Des Ryan and Mike McEwen, was published later that year. Political scientist Andrew Parkin said one of Dunstan's main achievements was to debunk the notion that state governments and parliaments lacked the ability to make significant changes with profound impacts. As evidence, he cited Dunstan's sweeping social reforms and the fact that many other state governments followed South Australia's lead. ==Life after politics==
Life after politics
After Dunstan's resignation from Parliament, deputy Des Corcoran took his place as party leader and Premier. At the subsequent Norwood by-election, Dunstan's seat was retained by Labor. Corcoran soon called the 1979 election, which left the party with only 19 seats against the Liberals on 25 seats on an 8.4 percent two-party swing against Labor. During this time, he became increasingly disillusioned with South Australian political affairs. A book by two Adelaide journalists, ''It's Grossly Improper, was released in November and sold out within a week. It alleged inappropriate use of government funds and a homosexual affair with a restaurateur, John Ceruto, in return for political favours. There was initial fanfare and speculation as to the authenticity of its claims; Dunstan dismissed the book as a "farrago of lies" in his 1981 memoirs, entitled Felicia''. From May 1980 to early 1981 he acted as editor for the magazine POL. In 1982, he moved to the neighbouring state of Victoria, and was appointed the Director of Tourism. This sparked an outcry in South Australia due to the two states' traditional rivalry. For his part, Dunstan said he had yearned to be given a role in shaping and building the future of his native state, but that he had been snubbed for three years. He said that public figures in South Australia had told him his high profile and ability to overshadow others could have caused a loss of face to them, and thus his departure would be seen favourably by them, while Victoria's offer gave him an opportunity to be constructive. Dunstan was appointed to the Victorian Economic Development Corporation on 12 July 1983, resigning on 23 June 1986. Dunstan stayed in the Director of Tourism role until 1986, when he returned to Adelaide after falling out with the government of John Cain. (neoliberalism) and privatisation, particularly of South Australia's water, gas and electricity supplies. During the 1990s he wrote essays for the Adelaide Review magazine strongly criticising the Federal Labor Governments of Bob Hawke and Paul Keating, the Federal Liberal Government of John Howard and the State Liberal Governments of Dean Brown and John Olsen. He remained an advocate for multiculturalism and cultural diversity, often writing about the dangers of racism. A year before his death, the ailing Dunstan decried Labor's economic rationalism in front of 5,000 at the Gough Whitlam Lecture. and his former seat of Norwood was renamed Dunstan after him. The Dunstan Playhouse was later named to honour his contribution to the performing arts. ==Personal life==
Personal life
(pictured). Whilst living in Norwood and studying at university, Dunstan met his first wife, Gretel Elsasser, whose Jewish family had fled Nazi Germany to Australia. They married in 1949, and moved to Fiji. Dunstan was married twice. In 1972, Dunstan separated from his wife and moved into a small flat in Kent Town, adjacent to Norwood. The family home was sold as two of the children were already studying in university. In 1974, the couple were finally divorced. Dunstan notes this period as being initially a "very bleak and lonely" time for him. In absence of his family, he made new friends and acquaintances. Friends living nearby would come to his apartment for conversation and good foodcooking was Dunstan's hobby. Dunstan bought another house in 1974, partially financed from a then-unpublished cookbook. In 1976, ''Don Dunstan's Cookbook'' was publishedthe first cookbook released by a serving Australian leader. More generally, Dunstan promoted a revolution in fine dining in the state. Dunstan, who was in his 50s by this point, much older than Adele, who was in her 30s. Although Dunstan never publicly commented on his sexuality, it has been said that he "lived as a sexually liberated bisexual man". ==Death==
Death
In 1993, Dunstan was diagnosed with an aggressive throat cancer and then an inoperable lung cancer, which led to his death on 6 February 1999. Dunstan was not a smoker but was long exposed to passive smoking. A public memorial service was held on 9 February at the Adelaide Festival Centre as a tribute to Dunstan's love of the arts. In attendance were former Labor Prime Ministers Gough Whitlam and Bob Hawke, Federal Opposition Leader Kim Beazley, Premier John Olsen, and State Opposition Leader Mike Rann. Thousands more gathered outside the centre in Elder Park along the banks of the River Torrens. State flags were flown at half-mast and the memorial service was televised live. ==Legacy==
Legacy
A theatre in the Festival Centre was renamed the Dunstan Playhouse. The Electoral Commission of South Australia's 2012 redistribution included renaming the seat of Norwood to Dunstan which came into existence as of the 2014 election. In 2014 a biography Don Dunstan Intimacy & Liberty by Dino Hodge, written with the co-operation of Dunstan's family and former lovers, was published. In 1988, Dunstan donated a collection of files pertaining to his political, professional and personal life; photographs; press clippings; speeches and press releases; audiovisual material; books from his library; some items of clothing; and other memorabilia to Flinders University Library, where it can be viewed and accessed for research purposes (see External links). Don Dunstan Foundation The Don Dunstan Foundation was established by Dunstan at the University of Adelaide in 1999, shortly before his death, to push for progressive change and to honour Dunstan's memory. Dunstan had spent his last months helping to lay the platform for its establishment. The Lowitja O'Donoghue Oration has been held annually since 2007, with a series of speakers illuminating aspects of Indigenous Australians' past and future in Australian society. It is held each year in Reconciliation Week. Orators have been chosen by O'Donoghue, until her death in February 2024. On 3 June 2020, Jane Lomax-Smith was announced as new chair of the organisation, taking over from Lynn Arnold, who had held the position for 10 years and remains on the Board as Director and Patron as of June 2022. Don Dunstan Award Since its commencement in 2003, the Adelaide Film Festival has presented The Don Dunstan Award in recognition of outstanding contribution by an individual to the Australian film industry. Deemed by the Adelaide Film Festival's Board to have "enriched Australian screen culture through their work", its recipients include David Gulpilil, Rolf de Heer, and Scott Hicks. After receiving the award in 2013, Hicks acknowledged Dunstan's vision for the creation of a film industry in South Australia as being instrumental to his professional development. ==References==
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