West Germany, 1948 Background Germany ended the
European Theatre of World War II with its unconditional surrender on the
8 May 1945. April 1945 to July 1947 saw the Allied occupation of Germany implement
Joint Chiefs of Staff directive 1067 (
JCS 1067). This directive aimed to transfer Germany's economy from one centered on heavy industry to a pastoral one to prevent Germany from having the capacity for war. Civilian industries that might have military potential, which in the modern era of "total war" included virtually all, were severely restricted. The restriction of the latter was set to Germany's
approved peacetime needs, which were set on the average European standard. To achieve this, each type of industry was subsequently reviewed to see how many factories Germany required under these minimum level of industry requirements. It soon became obvious that this policy was not sustainable. Germany could not grow enough food for itself, and malnutrition was becoming increasingly common. The European post-war economic recovery did not materialise and it became increasingly obvious that the European economy had depended on German industry.
Bolivia, 1985 Background Between 1979 and 1982, Bolivia was ruled by a series of coups, countercoups, and caretaker governments, including the notorious dictatorship of
Luis García Meza Tejada. This period of political instability set the stage for the hyperinflation that later crippled the country. In October 1982, the military convened a Congress elected in 1980 to lead choose a new Chief Executive. Nearly all of the
post-Soviet states suffered deep and prolonged recessions after the collapse of the Soviet Union, with poverty increasing more than tenfold. The hypothesized one time jump in prices intended as part of shock therapy actually led to a lengthy period of extremely high inflation with a drop in output and subsequent low growth rates. According to
Kristen Ghodsee and Mitchell A. Orenstein, a significant body of scholarship demonstrates that the rapid
privatization schemes associated with
neoliberal economic reforms did result in poorer health outcomes in former Eastern Bloc countries during the transition to capitalism, with the
World Health Organization itself stating "IMF economic reform programs are associated with significantly worsened tuberculosis incidence, prevalence, and mortality rates in post-communist Eastern European and former Soviet countries." They add that Western institutions and economists were indifferent to the consequences of the shock therapy they were advocating as their priorities included permanently dismantling the state socialist system and integrating these countries into the emerging global capitalist economy, and that many citizens of the former Eastern Bloc countries came to believe that Western powers were deliberately inflicting this suffering upon them as punishment for defying Western ideals about liberal democracy and market economics. Arguments exist whether these adverse outcomes were due to the general collapse of the
Soviet economy (which began before 1989) or the policies subsequently implemented or a combination of both. Sachs himself resigned from his post as advisor, after stating that he felt his advice was unheeded and his policy recommendations were not actually put into practice. In addition to his criticism of the way in which Russian authorities handled the reforms, Sachs has also criticized the U.S. and the IMF for not providing large-scale financial aid to Russia, which he felt was integral to the success of the reforms. Moreover, the narratives of the previous paragraphs might accord too much importance to the advice given by the international financial institutions, and too little to the domestic politics of the countries actually making the decisions. Before the break-up of the USSR, the Soviet government was committed to a 'gradualist' approach to reforming state ownership; an approach to which the World Bank and IMF adapted and focused more on how to manage state enterprises effectively. Later, by 1992, the Soviet Union had been dissolved, and the new Russian government had a fear that the communists might try again to regain power; this political situation, not any external advise, let to a program of rapid mass privatisation using vouchers, an approach much more radical than anything that had been considered in 1990, in the hopes of creating a new capitalist class which would support Yeltsin's government. By contrast, in Poland were this political motive had been absent, the privatisations had been much less rushed, reckless, and inequitable than in Russia, despite the presence of other 'shock therapy' measures; in the subsequent years, Poland saw a much lower increase in inequality and more economic growth. There also were further factors in the economic collapse, like the break-up of the Soviet Union greatly hindering trade between areas previously part of the same economic zone. Even before official independence its mere possibility, suggested by declarations of autonomy, reduced trade between the Soviet Union's Republics, severing supply lines and lowering output even before the actual breakup of the Soviet Union. Advocates of shock therapy view
Poland as the success story of shock therapy in the post-communist states and claim that shock therapy was not applied appropriately in
Russia, while critics claim that Poland's reforms were the most gradualist of all the countries and contrast China's reforms with those of Russia
Poland After the failure of the Communist government in the elections of June 4, 1989, it became clear that the previous regime was no longer legitimate. The unofficial talks at
Magdalenka and then the
Polish Round Table talks of 1989 allowed for a
peaceful transition of power to the democratically elected government. The economic situation was that inflation was high, peaking at around 600%, and the majority of state-owned monopolies and holdings were largely ineffective and completely obsolete in terms of technology. Although there was practically no unemployment in Poland, wages were low and the
shortage economy led to a lack of even the most basic foodstuffs in the shops. Unlike the other post-communist countries, however, Poland did have some experience with a capitalist economy, as there was still private property in agriculture and food was still sold in farmers' markets. Moreover, inequality in Poland actually decreased right after the economic reforms were implemented, although it rose back up again in later years. In 2006, although Poland was confronted with a variety of economic problems, it still had a higher
GDP than during communist times, and a gradually developing economy. Poland was converging towards the EU in regards to income level in 1993–2004. According to
The Financial Times, Poland's shock therapy paved the way for entrepreneurs and helped to build an economy that was less vulnerable to external shock than those of Poland's neighbours. In 2009, while the rest of Europe was in recession, the Polish economy continued to grow, without a single quarter of negative growth.
Russia Due to rampant hyperinflation, famine, poverty, and the depression of 1990–1991 in the Soviet Union, Russian leaders attempted to implement shock therapy to the economy. The downfall of shock therapy in Russia was marked by widespread social dislocation, economic instability, and the rise of oligarchs, contributing to public criticism and eroding trust in the government's neoliberal reform agenda. It also contributed to the support for the rise of
Vladimir Putin and
his brand of authoritarianism.
Peru, 1990 India, 1991 Iraq, 2003 Argentina, 2023 During the Argentine presidential elections of 2023, Javier Milei had attained victory. Shortly after, he began conducting the most extensive liberalising reforms in the history of Argentina since the 1990s. The reforms are still ongoing. ==See also==