Food journalism dates back to the 1880s when
Joseph Pulitzer introduced
women's pages into his newspaper, the
New York World. Other publications were quick to take on these additions with the women's section covering news on fashion, family, furnishings—and food. These were considered the four Fs of ‘soft news’ or ‘women’s news’. The pages were both a chance for advertisers to reach audiences and for women to be employed in journalism. The newspaper food sections were dense with product advertisements, news on recipes, and nutrition studies. In 1948, it was reported that 56% of women got their food news from newspapers and magazines, citing the relevancy of this emerging field. By 1950, the number of newspaper food editors had more than doubled to a total of 561. As a result, the revenue and advertisement potential influenced prominent editors to produce food pages. Until the 1940s and 1950s, women in journalism were contained from writing on sports, editorials, or what was considered hard news. During
World War II, women took on a variety of roles, recognized both on the home front and in the military effort. As a result, the women's pages after World War II diversified and changed the significance of women's news. In the post-World War II era, food coverage often addressed social history and reflected the evolving roles of women in society. In the 1940s,
Jane Nickerson began her job as the first
New York Times food editor. Nickerson began covering war-rationing news, food product developments, and recipes. After World War II, her work evolved to document the rapidly developing
New York restaurant industry and profiled future food celebrities. Nickerson pioneered the industry of food journalism in the women's pages and was at the forefront of influence in restaurant reviews, interviews, and new products. These food journalists reached consumers and cooks, documented nutritional issues and food safety, and covered the impact of governmental food regulation and the consumerism movement. Jane Nickerson activated the potential for food discourse to engage with important social, political, and cultural issues. Her contributions have grown the scholarship of newspaper food journalism into what it is today. By the 1950s, most food editors were educated and had a degree in either journalism, home economics, or both. Like other mediums of journalism, food editors followed traditional news values, researching the precision of their articles.
Milwaukee Journal food editor Peggy Daum gave the same care to the food section as the front page, stating, “If someone’s age is wrong, that’s one thing. But if the amount of flour in a recipe is wrong, then the whole recipe can be ruined.” The food section has become a serious practice with publishers like the
Chicago Tribune even reprinting entire recipes if there were to be a mistake. Food journalism has evolved to be legitimate journalism, rooted in the accomplishments of women at the forefront. In the early 2000s, technological advances allowed for the emergence of
food bloggers on the Internet. Although audiences view food bloggers as information gatekeepers and providers, some food bloggers don't consider themselves as journalists. However, some argue that food bloggers share similar qualities as
lifestyle journalists. This discourse is challenged by the idea that food journalists are paid by newsrooms and organizations to report on food and eating, while food bloggers are following their passion for cooking. Like modern food influencers on social media, food bloggers are often more driven by the interactions with their blog, and consider themselves as consumers of media, rather than producers. Many food bloggers are not culinary professionals, and instead are cooking hobbyists. == Food Journalism on Social Media ==