Gender inequality in China

Before the Chinese Communist Revolution, women were generally restricted to the traditional gender roles of wives, concubines, or prostitutes. Confucian discourses of filial piety presented the father-son relationship as the model of top-down relationships which reinforced patriarchal dominance in the family and hierarchical structures in lineage groups and communities. Wives were expected to be subservient to their husbands, kowtowing to their husbands. Women, for example, would generally lose social standing due to an extramarital affair. with bound feet known as "golden lotuses". It aimed to limit the growth of girls' feet, and began at age three. Foot binding eventually resulted in the arch of the foot becoming so angled that a woman was in constant pain and had limited ability to walk. Men used foot binding to force women to be dependent; due to pain associated with walking, women were limited to household activities. Women with bound feet had considerable difficulty carrying out simple tasks (such as standing up from a chair without assistance) and a lower functional reach than women with normal feet. Widespread anti-foot binding sentiment began during the late 19th century, and gained in popularity until the practice was outlawed in 1912. Women's education The purpose of women's education was to reinforce their subordinate status and ensure that they obeyed rules made by men. Women were taught social norms which restricted their rights and behavior. Only middle-class and wealthier women would receive an education, indicating a family's superiority. Women were educated at home by teachers who followed social norms. In the Eastern Han dynasty, four books were used for women's education («女四書» – Nü sishu) including: «女誡» – Nǚjiè by Ban Zhao, «女誡» – Nǚ Lúnyǔ by Song Ruoxin, «內訓» – Nèixùn or Nüxun by Empress Renxiaowen, and «女范捷錄» – Nǚfàn Jiélù by Ms. Liu, mother of Wang Xiang. These books reinforced norms which harmed women and restricted their daily activities. Even more recently, textbooks in China are still being used to reaffirm stereotypes and gender inequality. The three obediences and four virtues which were adopted by many women are part of Nüjie. The three obediences were "obey father before marriage", "obey husband during marriage" and "obey sons during widowhood", illustrating the subordination of women to men throughout their lives. The four virtues were "female virtues", "female words", "female appearance" and "female work", designed to fulfill the needs of men and society. Women's desires and needs were trivialized, and education became a tool to maintain male control of women. A woman's personality was also restricted by this education. Women were taught to be weak and subordinate, respecting the men who dominated them. The physical differences between men and women as well were emphasized; men were seen as yang, and women were seen as yin. Yin and yang are the opposite of each other, and women were not allowed to physically interact with men outside of marriage. Women (as yin) were considered a negative element, reinforcing their inferior status, and were sometimes forbidden from leaving their room to demonstrate their loyalty. Obedience to men and elder relatives was the essential element of women's education. Women were powerless to resist, since society would not accept women who challenged men. As a socializing agent, women's education played an important role in shaping their image and maintaining their subordinate status for many dynasties. May Fourth Movement May Fourth Movement discourses challenged the traditional ideas about women, contrasting the idea of the "new woman" with that of the "traditional woman". The "new woman" reflected a secular world view, opposition to arranged marriage, and opposition to patriarchy. The idea of the "new woman" emphasised the urban and modern. May Fourth Movement discourses framed "traditional women" as rural, uneducated, and submitting to "feudal superstition". May Fourth literature often depicted rural mothers as participants in imposing arranged marriages and other feudal social constructs on their daughters. ==Mao era==

During the planned-economy era of (1949–1978, also known as the Mao Zedong era), the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) sought to make Chinese women legally and socially equal to men. The Communist government attempted to challenge Confucian beliefs, and one of its main goals was to improve the social position of women by promoting their entry into the labour force. The CCP and the government implemented policies ensuring equal pay for equal work and equal opportunity for men and women. In practice, however, wage inequality still existed during this era due to occupational and industrial segregation by gender. Enterprises typically divided their jobs into two groups (primary and secondary); men were more likely to be given primary jobs, and women secondary jobs. State feminism State feminism refers to the state's support of women's equality in the public and work sectors through legislation, often progressive state laws to ensure gender equality. This state-supported feminism promoted employment opportunities for women in the public sector and provided benefits such as maternity leave and day care to female workers. State feminism also enforced laws prohibiting polygamy, the buying and selling of women, arranged marriage and prostitution. Although state feminism provided some legal protection to women, it did not achieve gender equality. Gail Hershatter agreed: "The communist revolution didn't change the work women did. Women had always worked. What the revolution changed is the work environment and the social interpretation of working outside of familial context." ==Post-Mao era==

Economic reforms and labour market Changing employment policy was a major part of China's reforms after the Mao era. Under Mao China formed the Tong Bao Tong Pei employment system, a centralised system which created government-guaranteed jobs. Although women gained significantly greater opportunities for work under the economic reform, they have borne a disproportionate share of its costs. China's market-oriented economic reforms undermined workplace gender equality by using migrant women as a cheap, flexible labour force. Education In China, there is a strong male preference in relation to patriarchal norms. Male preference in society creates an inequality of women participating in the education system. There is also a significant amount of gender inequality in school. Textbooks are a main component of reinforcing and creating gender inequality in China. Within Chinese textbooks, gender stereotypes are promoted, especially in pictures. This is mostly due to lower motivation in women to acquire these positions because of gender stereotypes and discrimination in the education system and workforce. This has led to male overpopulation in China; in 2005, men under age 20 outnumbered women by more than 32 million. Couples were encourage to have a second child, and the policy led to 5.4 million extra birth in China. Then in 2021, a three-child policy was introduced due to urgent needs to repopulate China. Families were told that they will be given better benefits and opportunities if they were to help contributed in repopulating the country. In Chinese history, there has been a strong preference for sons, which is influenced by the patriarchal family structures. A key aspects to be considered is the skewed sex ratio which led to female infanticide and sex-selective abortions. The imbalanced sex ratio has created a demographic challenge with a surplus of men, commonly referred to as the "Missing women" phenomenon. This surplus of men is expected to have social implications, including difficulties in finding spouses for a portion of the male population. Gender disparities are also present in economic opportunities and the workforce. While women make up a significant portion of the workforce, they often face challenges in career advancement and are underrepresented in leadership positions. Additionally, there is a persistent gender pay gap. Traditional gender roles and cultural expectations can contribute to gender disparities as well. In some cases, there are expectations for women to prioritize family responsibilities over their careers, which can impact their professional advancement. Although access for education has been improving for girls, challenges remain. In some areas, there may still be disparities in educational opportunities and resources between boys and girls. ==Workplace inequality==

Wage inequality China's social structure is patriarchal, which has led to wage inequality between men and women. This is largely due to gender attitudes towards women in the workplace. Cultural norms in China have a long history of preferring men over women, which also correlates into the workplace. The cultural norms rely heavily on men working to provide and take care of the family, therefore they are often hired and paid at a higher rate than women in China. Due to China's recent economic growth, there has been an increase in jobs, but a decline in women in the workforce. In the 1980s, women in the workplace made up about half of the force, but by 2017, the percentage dropped by almost 20 percent. According to the report, there is evidence of a significant increase in the gender wage gap in China's urban labor market during the late 1980s and early 1990s. The report highlights that there is a substantial difference between the wages of men and women, with a gap of 32%. These statistics are in line with previous findings; a 1990 wage survey found that women earned 77.4 percent of male income in urban areas (RMB 149.6, compared to RMB 193.2 for men) and 81.4 percent of male income in rural areas (an annual average of RMB 1,235 for women and RMB 1,518 for men). These findings indicate that the income gap has not been closing in China, and wage inequality may be on the rise. Educational background and profession have been identified as two main factors of an increased gender wage gap, Although the wage gap has narrowed, there is room for improvement. Gender-based wage inequality will be a major factor in pay decisions because of inclusion and diversity (I&D) programs; thirteen percent of Asia-Pacific employers have I&D programs. Occupational segregation Feminization of informal sector employment and devaluation of female-dominated occupations are two new labor-market trends since China's economic reforms. A survey of seven provinces and eleven cities found that gender segregation increased in forty-four out of fifty-one examined occupations between 1985 and 2000, One impact of gendered jobs is lower wages for women, illustrated by the lower average incomes of female-dominated enterprises compared to male-dominated ones. During the early 1990s, an increase in the number of female employees in the sales and service industries was accompanied by a reduction in the average income of these sectors. Data from the same time period indicates an inverse relationship between the proportion of women employed at an institution and the average wage of the institution's employees. Beauty economy The "beauty economy" refers to companies using attractive young women to increase profits. In 21st-century China, sexuality is promoted in capitalist endeavors. FDI is mainly driven by China's low cost of labor. A considerable number of foreign-invested enterprises are based in labor-intensive industries such as the garment industry, electronics manufacturing, and the food and beverage processing industry. A 2000 study found that 62.1 percent of FDI-employed workers were female. Wages by gender have been inconsistently affected by FDI, with pay equality in FDI industries increasing in 1995 and decreasing in 2005. This shift may be caused by increased FDI investment in production, resulting in additional low-paying factory jobs which are predominantly filled by women. ==Confucianism and gender==

Confucianism provided a framework which judged individuals by their faithfulness and adherence to social norms dictated by ancient customs. Men were evaluated according to how well they fulfilled their social positions as husbands, fathers, sons or servants. Correspondingly, women were valued based on their conduct as wives, mothers and daughters. In Chinese Confucian society, a woman's identity is subordinated and she is barely recognized as a person. Confucian conceptions of filial piety has been focused on preserving the traditional role of the father as the primary leader and decision maker of the family. In the hierarchy of traditional Chinese cultural family life, the father and sons take prominence over the mother and daughters. A cliché of classical texts, which is repeated throughout the tradition, is the familiar notion that men govern the outer world, while women govern the home. Mencius outlined the three subordinations. A woman was to be subordinate to her father in youth, her husband in maturity, and her son in old age. Familial relationships are prefixed, and family lifestyles and behaviors are constrained by social norms. In the Han dynasty, the female historian Ban Zhao wrote the Lessons for Women, advice on how women should behave. She outlines the four virtues women must abide by: proper virtue, proper speech, proper countenance, proper merit. The "three subordinations and the four virtues" is a common four-character phrase throughout the imperial period. As for the historical development of Chinese patriarchy, women's status was highest in the Tang dynasty, when women played sports (polo) and were generally freer in fashion and conduct. Between the Tang and Song dynasties, a fad for little feet arose, and from the Song dynasty onwards foot binding became more and more common for the elite. In the Ming dynasty, a tradition of virtuous widowhood developed. Widows, even if widowed at a young age, would be expected not to remarry. Their virtuous names might be displayed on the arch at the entrance of the village. Influence in contemporary China For Chinese women, discovering personhood and kinship is challenging because Confucian culture can be an obstacle. Confucianism highlights the ideal of "men manage outside; women manage inside" (), reflecting female subordination by encouraging women to remain in the household while their husbands are the breadwinners in the outside world. According to Wang's 2012 article, "Goodbye Career, Hello Housekeeping", "80 percent of husbands in China hope their wives will become full-time homemakers" to stabilize their marriage and take care of their families. Under the Confucian influence, it has been the norm for women to quit their outside job to fulfill their obligations as wives while men remain in control outside the household and remain in their profession. It is rare in Chinese society to challenge the idea of women sacrificing their professional career, because Chinese society has a "relative[ly] ambiguous boundary between public and private spheres". This ambiguity may be a vital obstacle to gender equality. A women's sense of self in Chinese society includes her husband, her inner circle and her family by marriage, broadening (and complicating) her definition of personhood. Women's dedication and sacrifices are justified by a societal norms and a Confucian culture which increase female subordination. According to Chinese anthropologist Fei Xiaotong, "Sacrificing the family for one's own interests, or the lineage for the interests of one's household, is in reality a formula, with this formula, it is impossible to prove that someone is acting selfishly". Men are in an advantageous position, since this differential mode of association legitimizes women's sacrifice of their professional career as a normal social pattern for the benefit of the family; a husband's preference for his wife to stay home while he keeps his career is not seen as selfishness. Male selfishness is justified by the differential mode of association which "drives out social consciousness". Although both genders face strong pressure to be married, women who remain unmarried past the age of 25 are shamed by state media with the label "leftover women". In addition, foot binding and arranged marriages have been virtually eradicated. There is also the issue of forced abortions in China, especially for sex selection purposes; authorities have been accused of giving the women virtually no control over their bodies in this area. Traditional norms regarding favoring the grandmother on the father's side persisted until after the Chinese Communist Party's victory in the Chinese Civil War. This traditional preference for the paternal grandmother was reflected in the word referring to the paternal grandmother (zumu) and the maternal grandmother (waizumu, meaning "outside grandmother"). Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, paternal and maternal grandmothers enjoy equal status. ==Family pressure and marriage==

Women face significant pressures from their families during their mid- to late twenties to quit working and get married. In rural northwestern China, some mothers still consider education less important for their daughters since they are expected to marry and leave home. There is an insignificant gender gap in educational investments in rural northwestern China, however, indicating progress in educational gender equality. Marriage pressures stem from Confucian values which promote the necessity for women to marry to continue the family lineage by bearing a son. Cooperative marriages are an extreme form of heterosexual pretence, typically consensual relationships between a lesbian (lala) and a gay man. Cooperative marriages are the result of strong family pressure to conform to societal expectations of a heterosexual marriage, underpinning the inequality of same-sex marriages. Further examples of family pressure in Chinese society are flash marriages. A flash (or blitz) marriage is a union between partners who have known each other for less than a month. This form of union has become increasingly popular in China due to economic and social factors. Men and women perceive happiness as a result of stability in contemporary China, particularly in the relationship and family spheres. However, financial stability and successful careers have also become predominant aspirations amongst young professionals. Child marriages created room for gender inequality because many of the children who married were women and not men. "Surplus women" Women who resist family pressure and do not marry by their late twenties risk being stigmatized as sheng nu (剩女, leftover women). ==Gendered social mobility==

Hukou system Originally developed during the Communist era to inhibit mobility between the countryside and the cities (increasing government control), the Hukou system (household registration system) remains influential. Although rural women can travel to cities for work, these migrants have no access to healthcare (due to their rural registration) and limited ability to marry and bear children in the city. Women tend to exit employment early because of demands created by marriage and family. Household tasks that are routine such as cleaning and cooking take up significant amounts of time, but are not given the same value as flexible home maintenance tasks which are traditionally taken on by men. Thus, men are given tasks that can be shaped around their work schedule, while women take on routine labor that is more likely to interfere with their career. A study of unemployment duration among urban Chinese women indicated that married women have a higher layoff rate, longer unemployment periods and less opportunity to be re-employed than married men. The Chinese social welfare system is lacking which places the burden of caring for aging parents and young children. This domestic labor along with state policy and employment contracts caps a woman’s career despite earning more than their husbands. Some workplace contracts place restrictions on marriage and pregnancy throughout the duration of employment. Access to assets The traditional Chinese family is patriarchal. This view regulates gender roles and divisions of labor in the family, and affects resource allocation in the family and any family business. Men usually control valuable resources and assets such as land, property, and credit, and can accumulate capital and start a business more easily than women. In a family business, women are usually unpaid labor and entrepreneurial rights and opportunities are reserved for men. Women are expected to be family caregivers. In contemporary China, women are also expected to financially contribute to the family (especially in rural China, where economic development is relatively low). In many rural families, men and women will migrate to urban areas to support their rural family. A study of migrant workers in southern China found that women usually spend less and send a larger proportion of their wages back to their rural family than men do. Housing In relation to gender inequality in marriage, housing has also promoted inequality in regards to owning, buying, and division of duties. Recently, housing prices in China are rapidly rising, leading to housing inequality and gender gaps for homeownership. In marriages in China, more traditional values are being reported amongst younger generations, which is a reason why men instead of women own the houses. This belief causes puts more pressure on the men in China to acquire a house and have it ready for a wife. Also, there has been a shift in ideals in which women prefer equal rights and opportunities, while men prefer more traditional values. In recent years, more women have been joining the workforce, leading to men having more duties at home. However, access to these activities is limited by gender. Women often consider their self-improvement as limited to their lives before marriage, since after marriage (unlike men) their main role is caring for children or parents. Patriarchy in China refers to the history and prevalence of male dominance in Chinese society and culture, although patriarchy is not exclusive to Chinese culture and exists all over the world. Patriarchy in China is a historically male-dominated cultural phenomenon. From Confucianism to modern times, patriarchy is deeply rooted in Chinese society. Traditionally, men dominated the family and society, while women were expected to be subservient to their fathers, husbands, and sons. However, over time, Chinese society has undergone tremendous changes, including the elevation of women's status and the gradual dilution of traditional customs. In contemporary China, although men still dominate the political and military spheres, women have begun to gain almost equal economic power. However, some traditional attitudes and practices, such as forced abortions and social pressure on "leftover women" (women who remain unmarried past the age of 25), remain a challenge. ==Media==

Framing of women's issues Much of mainstream media has featured marriage and private life as women's issues, rather than gender discrimination and inequality. A study indicated that "delaying marriage and relationship" was the most-frequently-discussed topic in mainstream media. It has focused on women's personal lives, such as marriage and romantic relationships, while gender issues such as "gender discrimination" and "traditional expectations" have often been ignored. In 2015, the Feminist Five were arrested for planning on passing out sexual harassment stickers in public. In 2022, the Communist Youth League of China (CYLC) posted an article on Weibo, criticizing what they called "Extreme Feminism" and quickly gained widespread attention. Within 3 days, the post gained 602k reposts, 269k comments, and 6.3m likes. The CYLC claimed that extreme feminists have been causing confusion and division about gender opposition online, urging the public to eradicate them to restore a clean online environment. Nüzhubo Nüzhubo (female broadcasters) are female performers who stream themselves performing on live-streaming sites, mostly by singing, dancing, video-game commenting, or eating (mukbang). "Livestream viewing has become a mainstream pastime with more than 200 active livestreaming platforms and millions of concurrent viewers every day in contemporary China." The live-streaming industry in China is dominated by women, and the growth of the industry is built on the popularity of Nüzhubo. Nüzhubo earn a living by receiving virtual gifts from followers, and are subject to "constructions of the male gaze" by media and the public. With fierce competition for viewers and followers, most try to attract viewers (especially male viewers) with their appearance. Some are criticized by local and foreign media for their use of sexual content to increase popularity. == See also ==