First Georgiev Cabinet Kimon Georgiev became prime minister on 19 May 1934, after the coup d'état. He served as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Religious Affairs (19-23 May 1934) and Minister of Justice (23 May 1934 – 22 January 1935) and temporarily served as Minister of War on 19 May 1934. The government dissolved the
National Assembly in its first days and the cabinet ruled by ordinance-laws signed by the tsar, invoking Article 47 of the
Tarnovo Constitution. On 14 June political parties and trade unions were banned and their property was nationalised. Counties and municipalities were clustered, their self-government abolished and replaced by government-appointed officials. Stricter qualification criteria for teachers were introduced, dozens of schools were closed and over 2,000 teachers were left unemployed. A campaign was organized to replace the traditional names of many villages in the country with Bulgarian ones. Strict censorship was introduced and many printed publications were banned. In order to increase state revenues and subsidize agriculture, the government established state monopolies in the grain, alcohol, and tobacco trades, severely disrupting activity in these sectors. Up to 40% of debts that were difficult to service after the
Great Depression were cancelled, the rest were rescheduled, and enforcement measures were limited. Several distressed private banks were consolidated and reactivated with state capital to form the Bulgarian Credit Bank. The two large state-owned banks were also merged into the Bulgarian Agricultural and Cooperative Bank. A Public Assistance Service was established under the Ministry of the Interior, financed by a special tax, and free treatment of the poor in public hospitals was introduced. On 4 September, a Decree-Law on the Safety of the State was issued, practically outlawing the
IMRO and assigning the investigation of its activities to the military courts, the police and the army. Mass arrests of IMRO activists and confiscations of weapons and property began. Over the next two years, the Sofia Military Field Court dealt with dozens of cases of murders, kidnappings and racketeering committed by IMRO activists in southwestern Bulgaria. Numerous heavy sentences were handed down, including 21 death sentences against the organization's leader,
Ivan Mihailov. The government made changes in foreign policy, in which it advocated continuity with the previous cabinets, strengthening good relations with neighbouring countries, which had concluded the
Balkan Pact at the beginning of the year. The goal of the new government was to completely "renovate" the Bulgarian parliamentary system and change the country's foreign policy. It released the following declaration on foreign policy: "Reestablishment of our relations with Soviet Russia; peace and good relations with all the Great Powers and especially with our neighbors." The government's readiness to disband the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) was demonstrated by its proclamation of the "reéstablishment of the public authority over the entire extent of the territory." In fact, it moved right away to restructure the local administration into seven departments, each headed by a governor with extensive powers. Naturally, the Petrich district—which the Macedonian revolutionaries had previously controlled—was one of them. With Yugoslavia a trade treaty was made and at the end of September,
Alexander I made a visit to
Sofia in which he was welcomed by thousands of people. Kimon intensified negotiations with the Soviet Union initiated by the previous cabinet and in July 1934, the first diplomatic relations were made between the two countries. In the autumn of 1934, a pro-monarchist wing led by
Pencho Zlatev and a pro-republican wing led by
Damyan Velchev took shape in the ruling circles of the Zveno and Military Union. Kimon Georgiev began measures to remove Zlatev from his War Office, but its unsuccessful, due to the leadership of the Military Union resisting. Damyan Velchev remained in isolation after the Union's Congress in November with the organization rejecting much of the cabinet's policies. On 22 January 1935,
Boris III executed a counter-coup to strength his role in Bulgarian politics, in which Georgiev resigned and Pencho Zlatev took control as a pro-monarchist. Kimon Georgiev was given a chance to be Minister of Justice, but declined.
The end of the 30s Kimon Georgiev was put under police surveillance after the removal from premiership in which he fell into political isolation. He still maintained active contacts of Damyan Velchev, members of the Zveno and foreign diplomats and journalists, including Soviet ambassador
Fyodor Raskolnikov. He gave an interview to the Yugoslav newspaper
Pravda in which he rejected the new government's accusations against him and criticized it. The previous day,
Aleksandar Tsankov had given a similar interview. On 18 April 1935, he was interned
St. Anastasia Island. Many ministers resigned, in which the Military Union was stripped from leadership and a cabinet headed by
Andrey Toshev was formed. The new government began measures to neutralize radical circles within the Military Union, which forced Kimon Georgiev to leave Sofia for
Burgas. He was arrested on 2 October in
Yambol due to Velchev's coup d'état attempt. On 14 October, he was released but only after 3 days he was briefly arrest, but after no evidence founded of him participating in the plot, he was interned in Burgas. During the trial of Damyan Velchev, he was active in his support and during his time in prison, Georgiev was his legal guardian. Zveno became more closer to the left wing opposition, which is the
BZNS and
Bulgarian Communist Party. After the parliament was formed, it had to approve the post-coup ordinance-laws, and during the debates the opposition, and especially Dimitar Gichev, harshly criticized Zveno, the Military Union, and Kimon Georgiev personally for their actions after the coup. He attempted to defend himself with the pamphlet "My Program", which was, however, seized by the authorities and Georgiev was put on trial, but the case was dropped in 1939. Although from 1936 Georgiev and Zveno advocated the restoration of the Tarnovo Constitution, they maintained their foreign policy line. In March 1939, he published the pamphlet A View of Our Foreign Policy Situation (the first book of the Brazdy Library), in which he acknowledged Bulgaria's "indisputable rights", but expressed fears of possible international isolation and advocated the preservation of the Bulgarian-Yugoslav Pact of 1937.
World War II Immediately after the start of World War II, Kimon Georgiev sent a letter to Prime Minister
Georgi Kyoseivanov, advocating rapprochement with the Soviet Union. During the changes in government in October 1939, Georgiev was received at a two-hour meeting by Tsar Boris III, with whom he discussed the political situation and tried unsuccessfully to secure the release of Damyan Velchev and the other convicted activists of the Military Union. In November 1940, Georgiev supported the Soviet proposal for a mutual aid pact. Apart from the old activists of Zveno, the proposal for the pact is supported only by the Communists, the BZNS-Pladne and some radicals. In January 1941, Kimon Georgiev was among the leaders of almost all the former parties who signed a joint request for an audience with the Tsar, insisting on the preservation of Bulgaria's neutrality. He also expressed this position in a long letter to Prime Minister Bogdan Filov on 11 February, but shortly afterwards the country joined the Tripartite Pact and allowed German troops into Greece. The anti-fascist Zveno members, especially its prominent representative Kimon Georgiev, were reached out to by the
Bulgarian Communist Party, which began collaborating with them to free the nation from the fascist tyranny. With the founding of the
Fatherland Front in 1942 at Georgi Dimitrov's instigation, Kimon Georgiev and some of his supporters became members of the National Committee. After the death of Tsar Boris III on 28 August 1943, Kimon Georgiev was among the opposition politicians with whom Prime Minister
Bogdan Filov held consultations about the emerging crisis. On 1 September, Georgiev was among the ten opposition figures who signed a joint declaration to implement the
Tarnovo Constitution and convene a
Grand National Assembly to elect regents. They saw the situation as an opportunity to change the country's foreign policy course, but the government rejected their proposals. In the autumn of 1943, the Fatherland Front suffered a severe crisis and was on the verge of splitting over the publication of its first official bulletin. Kimon Georgiev, actively supported by Nikola Petkov, drafted an article with the organization's position on the
Macedonian question, advocating the creation of a
united and independent Macedonian state. The Communists tried not to take a public position on the issue, as the
Soviet Union was committed to restoring pre-war borders, and
Georgi Dimitrov did not rule out the possibility of a
Balkan federation including Bulgaria. Georgiev's main argument to the Communists was that without a clear position on the Macedonian question, Fatherland Front propaganda among the officers would be difficult. Eventually, in December, a compromise text was published avoiding the question of Macedonia's return to
Yugoslavia. At the beginning of 1944, Kimon Georgiev and Petko Stainov, a deputy close to Zveno, attempted to coordinate joint actions of the opposition parties, including those outside the Fatherland Front. Georgiev prepared an address to the government and parliament calling for the restoration of neutrality, the return of occupation troops from Yugoslavia and
Greece to Bulgaria, and improved relations with the Soviet Union. It is to be discussed and signed by leaders of various opposition groups on 11 January, but heavy bombing the day before prevents the meeting and Kimon Georgiev sends the address on his own behalf. After the bombing, Kimon Georgiev left with his family for
Burgas, where he was placed under house arrest on 12 January. Initially living in his wife's hereditary house, he was then moved under permanent police surveillance to his villa in a vineyard outside the city, where he remained until the end of August. In the spring of 1944, the Fatherland Front leadership considered forming a clandestine government for Bulgaria, and he agreed to head it, preparing to go underground, but the partisans' inability to secure relatively safe territory for the government prevented its establishment. From Burgas, Georgiev maintained active contacts with the capital
Sofia, mainly through Hristo Stoykov. In April, he participated in a new appeal by opposition leaders to the regents and the prime minister to dissociate from
Germany and change the government, also signed by
Nikola Mushanov,
Atanas Burov, Krustyo Pastukhov, Dimitar Gichev, Aleksander Girginov, Petko Stainov, Vergil Dimov, Nikola Petkov and
Konstantin Muraviev. On 6 August, he participated in a meeting of a wide range of opposition leaders in Sofia - at his insistence, communists also participated - which adopted the so-called Declaration of the 13.
1944 coup d'état At the end of August, the parliament considered various options for forming a new government, including a Fatherland Front cabinet led by Kimon Georgiev. On 27 August he was sent with police guards to the regents in
Chamkoria and they tried to persuade him to join a cabinet without the Communists, but Georgiev refused, after which he was released and returned to Sofia. On 30 August, he was among the 14 leaders of the Fatherland Front who issued a
Manifesto to the Bulgarian People, the organization's first public document signed by specific individuals. In the following days, Kimon Georgiev's house became the centre of the coup prepared by the Fatherland Front, visited daily by the leaders of the organisation.
Damyan Velchev moved entirely into Georgiev's home. On 6 September, a permanent armed guard of several partisans, headed by Ivan Bonev, was posted there. Following the failure of General Ivan Marinov's attempt to peacefully change the government, a narrowed-down National Committee of the Fatherland Front decided to carry out a military coup at a meeting at the home of Kimon Georgiev on 7 September. At ten o'clock on the same day, a meeting of activists of the Military Union, led by Damyan Velchev, was held to coordinate the actions of the Union to carry out the coup. On the morning of 8 September, representatives of the Fatherland Front - Kimon Georgiev, Nikola Petkov, Dimitar Neykov, Kiril Dramaliev and Dimo Kazasov - met with the Prime Minister, protesting the dispersal of opposition demonstrations in the previous days and demanding that rallies be allowed in the major cities. Kimon Georgiev hosted a meeting of the Fatherland Front's National Committee at 4 p.m. on 8 September. The government's composition was settled upon, and its policy text is approved. The composition of the future government and the new regents were specified at a meeting between Kimon Georgiev, Dobri Terpeshev, Nikola Petkov and Damyan Velchev at Georgiev's home at 4 pm on 8 September. It was agreed that the cabinet would include four representatives each of the BRP, Zveno and BZNS-Pladne, two of the BRSD and two independents, and that the prime minister would be Kimon Georgiev, a decision agreed with Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin. Georgiev spent the night of the coup with Damyan Velchev, Nikola Petkov, and Traicho Dobroslavsky at the home of Yanko Antonov near the Eagles Bridge - he was a neighbor of Peter Vranchev, in whose apartment the Communist leaders - Dobri Terpeshev,
Anton Yugov, Georgi Chankov, Angel Tsanev, and Katya Avramova were at the time. The coup began at 2 a.m. on 9 September with the seizure of the War Ministry building. War Minister Ivan Marinov sided with the coup and issued the appropriate orders to the First Infantry Division and the School for Reserve Officers. Within 4 hours, the main administrative and communication nodes in the capital were brought under control and the political leaders of the coup moved to the War Ministry. At 6:25 a.m., Kimon Georgiev read a short Proclamation to the Bulgarian people over the radio and announced the composition of the new government, approved a short time later by decree of the regents
Prince Kiril and
Nikola Mihov. Zveno officially resumed its activities on 18 September, and on 1 October a national conference was held, at which the organization was transformed into a political party, the People's Union Zveno, and Kimon Georgiev became chairman of its Executive Bureau. Zveno began to establish its own structures throughout the country, expanding its base among the
middle class, but at the local level it met with resistance from the communists - people from local organizations were arrested, extorted for money by the militia, not allowed to join the local structures of the Fatherland Front, and declared "fascists." The first months of the new government were accompanied by terror perpetrated by the communists controlling the interior and justice ministries. According to various estimates, between 2,000 and 30,000 people were killed by the end of November. In mid-November, the
Council of Ministers publicly declared against the lynchings, but they were not stopped in practice. At the insistence of the Soviet Union, on 10 October the withdrawal of Bulgarian troops from the parts of
Macedonia and
Thrace that had been in Greece and Yugoslavia until the war began. On 28 October 1944, a delegation led by Foreign Minister Petko Staynov and including Ministers Nikola Petkov, Dobri Terpeshev and Petko Stoyanov signed an armistice with the
Allies. Bulgaria was forced to accept harsh conditions - maintenance of the Soviet troops stationed in the country, placing the government under the control of the
Allied Control Commission, and involvement in the hostilities against Germany. On 3 December, at the suggestion of Damyan Velchev, the Council of Ministers passed a decree enabling the military officers charged under the People's Court Act to go to the front and, if they showed bravery, be discharged. The next day the Communists declared the decree "counter-revolutionary" and organised demonstrations against it, and on 6 December, at the insistence of the head of the Union Control Commission,
Sergei Biryuzov, the decree was revoked. In the following days, Communists and Soviet officers headed the General Staff and its Intelligence Department, and held two deputy ministerial posts in the War Ministry. On 26 January 1945, the Council of Ministers approved the "Ordinance-Law for the Protection of People's Power", which contained 18 articles - 5 of them providing for the
death penalty and 4 for
life imprisonment. In the following years, it became the basis for the prosecutions of the opposition and the officers during the imposition of the totalitarian regime in the country. Between 23 and 31 January, Kimon Georgiev visited
Moscow, where he met
Joseph Stalin and
Georgi Dimitrov for the first time. The main purpose of the visit was the conclusion, with Soviet mediation, of an alliance treaty between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. Secret letters to the treaty envisaged the future creation of a federation, without specifying whether on an equal basis between the two countries, which Bulgaria insisted on, or by incorporating Bulgaria into Yugoslavia as a sixth republic, which was the Yugoslav position. The treaty was never concluded because of the opposition of the
United Kingdom and the
United States, who believed that Bulgaria could not act independently until a peace treaty was concluded. On 9 February 1945, Kimon Georgiev gave a report on the government's work to the First Congress of the Fatherland Front. Days after the first executions under the decision of the so-called
People's Court, he deplored the "cases of self-destruction, arbitrariness and violence" that had been allowed to take place, claimed that they had been curbed quickly, and expressed satisfaction at their being channeled through the People's Court. He states that the constitution and "the rights and liberties of the Bulgarian people" have been restored, although the Council of Ministers rules by ordinance-laws and political organizations outside the Fatherland Front have not been legalized. In the spring of 1945, tensions between communists and farmers in the Fatherland Front intensified and led to the split of the
BZNS. The main part of the organization, headed by Nikola Petkov (BZNS - Nikola Petkov), went into opposition and was replaced in the government by representatives of the pro-communist wing (BZNS (Kazionen). In this environment, in June, Kimon Georgiev and Damyan Velchev met with
Traicho Kostov and received assurances about the preservation of the Fatherland Front as a multi-party coalition, as well as for its own positions in the government. As a result, during the 1945 crisis, Zveno remained in the Fatherland Front, with Georgiev remaining fully loyal to the Communists and playing an important role in neutralizing opposition sentiment within Zveno itself. Georgiev's government scheduled elections for 26 August 1945, despite the protests of the opposition, which had no right to exist legally. Bulgaria was under intense pressure from the United States and Britain to postpone the elections to allow them to be held freely, but the Communists firmly refused. Only a day before the date of the elections they were postponed until November on Stalin's personal instructions. In the following weeks the opposition parties were legalised and martial law was lifted. At the elections held on 18 November, which were boycotted by the opposition, Kimon Georgiev was elected as a deputy in Burgas. In December, the United States and Britain made the inclusion of two opposition representatives in the Bulgarian government a condition for its recognition. On Stalin's instructions on 5 January 1946, Kimon Georgiev, Damyan Velchev and
Anton Yugov met with opposition leaders Nikola Petkov and Kosta Lulchev, but they flatly refused to enter the government, rejecting the legitimacy of the elections and demanding an end to the Communists' terror. On 7 January Georgiev was summoned to Stalin, who sharply criticised him for his soft attitude towards the opposition. On 10 January, Soviet First Deputy Foreign Minister
Andrei Vyshinsky met with Petkov and Lulchev in Sofia, but they did not change their position.
Third Georgiev Cabinet In March 1946, the government of Kimon Georgiev was reorganized—two ministries were added, the number of sub-chairmen was reduced, and there were personnel changes and changes in the proportions of the coalition parties. This was on the orders of Joseph Stalin, who criticised the Bulgarian communists for the slow imposition of the totalitarian regime in the country. He demanded the strengthening of the presence of the
BPC and BZNS in the cabinet, the removal of the foreign minister
Petko Staynov and a purge of the foreign ministry staff, and the replacement of the finance minister Stancho Cholakov. Despite the pressure against Zveno, Georgiev himself retained the confidence of Stalin and Georgi Dimitrov and remained at the head of the cabinet. Apart from being prime minister, he remained a minister without portfolio. In this setting, Kimon Georgiev publicly spoke out in support of the Military Union and personally of Damyan Velchev, whom he called his "closest and most inseparable personal friend, political associate and comrade in the cabinet". However, Georgiev already has limited influence in the government and pressure against Velchev was increasing. On 2 July the Communists passed for one day a law on control of the army, seizing powers from the war minister at the expense of the Council of Ministers. On 2 August, Kimon Georgiev agreed to the removal of his close associates
Kiril Stanchev (arrested and convicted in a show trial) and Damyan Velchev (effectively replaced as minister by
Krum Lekarski and interned). From 11 August to 3 September, Kimon Georgiev was in Paris at the head of a Bulgarian delegation preparing the
Paris Peace Treaty. There he met with various politicians, including the foreign ministers of the Soviet Union,
Vyacheslav Molotov, and the United States,
James Byrnes. Bulgaria unsuccessfully insisted on being recognized as a country that had fought against Germany, but with the support of the
Eastern Bloc countries, it managed to significantly reduce the reparations demanded by Greece. Upon his return to Bulgaria, Kimon Georgiev managed to personally solicit protections for Damyan Velchev from Georgi Dimitrov. On 25 September, Georgiev nominally became head of the War Ministry, and Velchev was sent as ambassador to
Switzerland, avoiding for the moment a show trial. In September–November 1946, Georgiev was in charge of the War Ministry. During this period, he was promoted to the rank of
colonel general. == Ministries held ==