Military League The Military League (Στρατιωτικός Σύνδεσμος) was formed in October 1908 out of two groups: one of army
NCOs (with members including future generals
Nikolaos Plastiras and
Georgios Kondylis) and one of junior officers around
Theodoros Pangalos. They were motivated by a variety of reasons: a desire for reforms that was prevalent in wide parts of society was combined with frustration at the slow rate of promotions and the absence of meritocracy, especially among graduates of the
military academy. Other officers from the army, the navy and the gendarmerie joined up later, and by June 1909, had spread out over the Greek military. At that time the Military League's demands were limited to an increased military budget, its reorganisation and modernisation, as well as the dismissal of the princes from the army. Although the Theotokis government had increased supplies of arms and munitions, he had also reinstated Crown Prince
Constantine, who had led the army in the 1897 war, as chief inspector of the army. Also, despite demands, he had authorised only a few officers to pursue further studies in France and Germany.
Army action The Military League, now numbering about 1,300, began by engaging in a form of lobbying by putting pressure on those in power. It had already scored a success with the July 1909 resignation of Theotokis, its
bête noire and a symbol of the parliamentary clientelism it hated. But his successor, Dimitrios Rallis, immediately alienated the league by paying tribute to Constantine's major role in the war of 1897, by recalling all officers present in Macedonia, by demanding Great Power intervention in Crete and by arresting over a dozen of the league's members for insubordination on 12 August. as leader of the "National Movement" The arrest of league officers precipitated events: either the league would act now, or it would be dissolved by a government. The league searched for support among the senior officers, and Colonel
Nikolaos Zorbas was chosen as its figurehead. On 14 August, Pangalos liberated two of the arrested officers, thereby provoking Rallis into ordering a clampdown and the arrest of all league members. On the same night, the league set in motion its bloodless coup. The league members were gathered in the
Goudi barracks: several hundred junior officers, non-commissioned officers, simple soldiers, gendarmes and civilians threatened to march on Athens if their demands were unmet. The armed forces, in particular the young officers, sent Rallis' government a
pronunciamento containing their demands (the previous day, Rallis had declined to receive a deputation seeking to hand over the manifesto). Part of it was purely internal in nature: for instance, the soldiers challenged the promotion system, with its limited prospects for advancement. Another part was political and demanded profound reforms in the country: in its political functioning, as well as social, economic and military. The troops called for naval and land rearmament, and asked that the navy and war ministers belong to the military. The insurgents did not call for the king's abdication or the abolition of the monarchy, remaining loyal subjects. Neither did they announce a military dictatorship or even wish to change the government. They respected the institutions of parliamentary government. However, the officers did demand that the royal princes, chiefly the Crown Prince Constantine, on whom they blamed the defeat of 1897, be relieved of their posts and expelled from the army. Finally, the league called for a lowering of tax burdens. The prime minister opened
pro forma negotiations with the revolutionaries who, in order to speed them up, resorted to the people of Athens.
Popular demands A large popular demonstration, organised and supervised by the soldiers, took place in the streets of Athens on 14 September 1909. The demonstrators, who had come from Athens and the
Piraeus, demanded the imposition of a revenue tax,
protectionism, the granting of tenure to bureaucrats (so they would no longer depend on politicians for their jobs), better working conditions and the condemnation of usury. King George I, unwilling to follow in the footsteps of his predecessor
Otto, who had been forced from the throne under similar circumstances in 1862, pushed Prime Minister Rallis to resign and replaced him with
Kyriakoulis Mavromichalis.
Stalemate The negotiations dragged on, and Colonel Zorbas lacked the political skills to keep up with the seasoned veterans on the government side. Mavromichalis, in securing passage of a large number of mildly reformist bills, implemented part of the programme demanded by the Military League, this time under threat of an actual military takeover. Thus, the general staff was reorganised, and those close to Constantine (such as
Ioannis Metaxas) were removed while budget cuts were made in order to finance army modernisation. But his government clearly showed that the old system endured: only Finance Minister
Athanasios Eftaxias had reformist ideas. With the revolution running out of steam, the league began to crumble. It was not a real political movement: its ideology and programme lacked coherence; its leaders were popular but unskilled. They were, above all, soldiers ill at ease outside their barracks. The league knew how to link its corporatist demands to public discontent by using populist and nationalist slogans, but it unsettled the bourgeoisie. Although it saw the necessity of modernising the country, the middle classes feared the drift towards a military dictatorship, which was considered deleterious to the regular progress of affairs.
Appeal to Venizelos Some of the officers went to Crete, which they knew well, either from having participated in the earlier events or in the formation of its civil guard during the
period of autonomy. There, they had also been able to see the political talents of the man who had been Prime Minister of Crete since 9 May 1909:
Eleftherios Venizelos. When Prince George of Greece was High Commissioner of Crete, he had found himself in opposition to Venizelos. This gave the latter an anti-dynastic aura that attracted the Goudi insurgents; he was also seen as free from association with the mainland oligarchy's chaos, corruption, and incompetence. Starting in October 1909, they had sent him an emissary to sound out his intentions, also suggested to him that he take the office of Prime Minister of Greece. However, Venizelos did not wish to appear as the soldiers' man, either in Greece or abroad. Neither did he wish to clash head-on with King George I and the "old" political parties. He thus advised them to proceed with legislative elections and entrust implementation of the reform programme to the new assembly. He went to Athens on and was greeted in Piraeus harbour by eager officers. In January, a Crown Council gathered together the main leaders of the political movements under the aegis of the King and of Venizelos. The latter played the role of mediator between the forces present: the King, the government, the parliament, the troops, and the people. The solutions proposed by the Cretan prime minister were adopted: the convocation of an assembly tasked with constitutional revision and the resignation of the Mavromichalis government, to be replaced with a transitional government that would organise legislative elections. The leadership of the transitional government was given to
Stephanos Dragoumis, who was considered an "independent". Nikolaos Zorbas was made minister of land forces. In exchange, Venizelos managed to convince the Military League to dissolve itself so as not to hinder the political process. In March 1910, an initially reluctant sovereign called new elections; three days later, the league announced its dissolution. Venizelos went back to Crete. Using his Cretan citizenship as a pretext (the island had declared union with Greece but Greece had yet to recognise this), Venizelos did not participate in the elections, held in August 1910. His allies nominated him for a seat in
Atticoboeotia but he stayed away from the electoral campaign. He was on a diplomatic tour of Western Europe when he learned that he had been elected and that deputies allied to him had obtained a relative majority with 146 of 362 seats. He thus returned to Athens amid rapturous public acclaim; the Dragoumis government resigned and Venizelos became prime minister in October 1910. He surrounded himself with collaborators bent on reform policies and began to apply the programme of the Goudi revolutionaries, strongly backed by public opinion. The Austrian ambassador observed on 28 October 1910: "Venizelos is a sort of popular tribune and almost the dictator of Greece. The enthusiasm of the people, who acclaim him everywhere, is striking". He decided to call immediate
new elections in order to strengthen his majority: the assembly elected in August continued to be dominated by the old politicians. These took place on . Venizelos was careful to present himself as an adversary of the "old" parties (which boycotted the elections), but also as free from influence by the Military League that had sought him out after the Goudi coup. Thus he did not hesitate to take as an aide-de-camp
Ioannis Metaxas, a
bête noire of the league whom it had removed. Venizelos'
Liberal Party won the elections with an overwhelming majority of 300 out of 362 deputies. ==Reformist policies==