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Gukurahundi

The Gukurahundi was a series of mass killings and genocide in Zimbabwe which were committed from 1983 until the Unity Accord in 1987. The campaign targeted mainly the Ndebele ethnic group and supporters of opposition leader Joshua Nkomo. The name derives from a Shona language term which loosely translates to "the early rain which washes away the chaff before the spring rains".

Background
Before the Rhodesian Bush War, the main black nationalist organisation in Southern Rhodesia, the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), split into two groups in 1963, the split-away group being the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Though these groups had a common origin they gradually grew apart, with the split away group, ZANU, recruiting mainly from the Shona regions, while ZAPU recruited mainly from Ndebele-speaking regions in the west. There is a much earlier source for Ndebele hostility to the Shona, going back to the arrival in 1837 of Mzilikazi and his Matabeleland kingdom. Mzilikazi carved out a territory for himself by fighting and dispossessing the local VaRozvi led by Changamire Chirisamhuru, the then patriach. The armies of these two groups, ZAPU's Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA), and ZANU's Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA), developed rivalries for the support of the people and would fight each other. When Rhodesia became Zimbabwe in 1980, following the Lancaster House Agreement, the two armies so distrusted each other that it was difficult to integrate them both into the national army. In the elections held in April 1980, ZANU received 57 out of 100 seats and Robert Mugabe became prime minister. Dr. Stuart Doran, a historian specialising in Zimbabwe, using historical documents, in the article "New documents claim to prove Mugabe ordered Gukurahundi killings": Entumbane uprisings In November 1980 Enos Nkala made remarks at a rally in Bulawayo, in which he warned ZAPU that ZANU would deliver a few blows against them. This preceded the first outbreak of fighting in Entumbane Bulawayo, during which ZIPRA and the Zimbabwe National Army fought a pitched battle for two days. In February 1981 there was a second uprising, which spread to Glenville and also to Connemara in the Midlands. ZIPRA troops in other parts of Matabeleland headed for Bulawayo to join the battle, and the Zimbabwean National army units had to come in to stop the fighting. The government asked Justice Enoch Dumbutshena, the former Chief Justice of Zimbabwe, to hold an inquiry into the uprising – ZIPRA was found to be preparing for war. Many ZIPRA cadres defected after Entumbane, fearing retribution. 1982 This situation became worse after the government claimed to have found arms caches in February 1982. ZANU now openly accused ZAPU of plotting another war and ZAPU leaders were arrested or removed from cabinet. However, the treason trial in 1982 involving Dumiso Dabengwa, Lookout Masuku, and four others failed to prove a case against them. All were released although Dabengwa and Masuku were re-detained without trial for four years. As a result, ex-ZIPRA cadres deserted the army after this. They did this out of necessity to stay alive. With their leaders all locked up or in exile, they felt there was nobody to protect them within the army. "We were threatened, that was why I decided to desert," said one dissident. The army integration scheme saw former ZIPRA recruits being harassed and accused of sympathising with their deserted colleagues. They were no longer trusted and were being constantly harassed. However, Joshua Nkomo publicly disowned the deserted soldiers and thus discouraged any others from leaving the army. ==Fifth Brigade==
Fifth Brigade
Robert Mugabe, then prime minister, had signed an agreement with North Korean leader Kim Il Sung in October 1980 to have the North Korean military train a brigade for the Zimbabwean army. This was soon after Mugabe had announced the need for a militia to "combat malcontents." Mugabe replied by saying dissidents should "watch out," announcing the brigade would be called "Gukurahundi". This brigade was named the Fifth Brigade. The members of the Fifth Brigade were drawn from 3,500 ex-ZANLA troops at Tongogara Assembly Point, named after Josiah Tongogara, the ZANLA general. There were a few ZIPRA (ZAPU) troops in the unit for a start, but they were withdrawn before the end of the training. The training of 5th Brigade lasted until September 1982, when Minister Sekeramayi announced training was complete. The first Commander of the Fifth Brigade was Colonel Perrance Shiri. The Fifth Brigade was different from all other Zimbabwean army units in that it was directly subordinated to the Prime Minister office, and not integrated to the normal army command structures. Their codes, uniforms, radios and equipment were not compatible with other army units. Their most distinguishing feature in the field was their red berets. ==Conflict and killings==
Conflict and killings
In January 1983, a crackdown by the Fifth Brigade in Matabeleland North was initiated to purge the dissidents, and its participation lasted until late 1984. The brigade's directives apparently specified a search for local ZAPU officials and veterans of ZAPU's armed wing, the Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA). Seizure or detention by the Fifth Brigade was arbitrary. In Bulawayo, for instance, Ndebele men of fighting age were considered potential dissidents and therefore, guilty of subversive activities. Most detained were summarily executed or marched to re-education camps. Most of the victims were shot in public executions, often after being forced to dig their own graves in front of family and fellow villagers. On occasion the Fifth Brigade also massacred large groups of Ndebele, seemingly at random—the largest such incident occurred in March 1983, when 62 young men and women were shot on the banks of the Cewale River, Lupane. Seven survived with gunshot wounds, the other 55 died. Another way 5 Brigade used to kill large groups of people was to burn them alive in huts. They did this in Tsholotsho and also in Lupane. They also would throw victims alive in disused mine, case in point at Bhalagwe camp which was close to the Antelope mines near Maphisa, Kezi. They would routinely round up dozens, or even hundreds, of civilians and march them at gun point to a central place, like a school or bore-hole. There they would be forced to sing Shona songs praising ZANU, at the same time being beaten with sticks. These gatherings usually ended with public executions. Those killed could be ex-ZIPRAs, ZAPU officials, or anybody chosen at random. The Zimbabwe government repudiated these allegations and accused the hostile foreign press of fabricating stories. Zimbabwean Minister for National Security Sydney Sekeramayi countered that allegations of atrocities were part of a ZAPU disinformation programme to discredit the army. The government characterised such allegations as irresponsible, contrived propaganda because it failed to give proper weight to the violence by dissidents, who targeted ZANU officials. It is estimated that 700–800 people were murdered by dissident gangs in rural regions. In August 1985, dissidents massacred 22 Shona civilians in Mwenezi. On a mission farm in Matobo, dissidents massacred 16 people. Death estimates The Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe documented at least 2,000 deaths, and speculated that the actual number could be as high as 8,000. Locals from the affected regions put the figure between 20,000 and 40,000. Journalist Heidi Holland referred to a death toll of 8,000 as a typical conservative estimate. In February 1983 the International Red Cross disclosed that 1,200 Ndebele had been murdered that month alone. In a unanimously adopted resolution in 2005, the International Association of Genocide Scholars estimated the death toll at 20,000. Reactions In 1992, serving Defence Minister Moven Mahachi became the first ZANU official who publicly apologised for the execution and torture of civilians by the Fifth Brigade. Five years later, Enos Nkala, former defence minister, described his involvement in the Gukurahundi as "eternal hell" and blamed President Mugabe for having orchestrated it. Speaking at Nkomo's memorial service on 2 July 2000, Mugabe admitted "thousands" had been killed during the campaign, calling it a "moment of madness". ==Unity Accord of 1987==
Unity Accord of 1987
Robert Mugabe and ZAPU leader Joshua Nkomo signed the Unity Accord on 22 December 1987. ==In popular culture==
In popular culture
Zimbabwean author Christopher Mlalazi wrote a novel on the Gukurahundi killings from a child's perspective, Running with Mother (2012). It is also covered in NoViolet Bulawayo's Booker-shortlisted novel Glory. A Zimbabwean scholar, Ruth Murambadoro has also advanced conversations through her publications on reconciliation and justice in the aftermath of Gukurahundi, which includes her article "'We cannot reconcile until the past has been acknowledged': Perspectives on Gukurahundi from Matabeleland, Zimbabwe" in the African Journal on Conflict Resolution. ==References==
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