International Finance International finance and monetary relations is one of the core areas of study in IPE. The IPE of international finance is characterized by political network effects and international externalities, such as
beggar-thy-neighbour effects and contagions. A key concept in IPE literature on international finance is the
impossible trinity, derived from the
Mundell–Fleming model, which holds that it is impossible to simultaneously pursue all of the following three economic policies: • a fixed
foreign exchange rate • free
capital movement; absence of
capital controls • an independent
monetary policy Another key dilemma in monetary policy is that governments have to balance the
inflation rate (the price of money at home) and the
exchange rate (the price of money outside the home market). In 1971 President Richard Nixon ended the convertibility of gold that had been established under the IMF in the Bretton Woods system. Interim agreements followed. Nonetheless, until 2008 the trend has been for increasing liberalization of both international trade and finance. From later 2008 world leaders have also been increasingly calling for a
New Bretton Woods System. Topics such as the
International Monetary Fund,
Financial Crises (see
2008 financial crisis and
1997 Asian financial crisis),
exchange rates,
Foreign Direct Investment,
Multinational Corporations receive much attention in IPE.
International Trade There are multiple approaches to trade within IPE. These approaches seek to explain international bargaining between states, as well as the foreign economic policies that states adopt. In terms of domestic explanations for the foreign economic policies of states, the two dominant approaches are the factor model and sector model, both of which build on
David Ricardo's theory of
comparative advantage. The
factor model (which has been called the
H-O-S-S model) is shaped by the
Heckscher-Ohlin model and the
Stolper-Samuelsson theorem. According to the Heckscher-Ohlin model of trade, the
comparative advantage of countries in trade stems from their endowments of particular factors of trade (
land,
labor,
capital). This means that a country abundant in land will primarily export land-intensive products (such as agriculture), whereas a country abundant in capital will export capital-intensive products (such as high-technology manufacturing) and a country abundant in labor will export labor-intensive products (such as textiles). Building on this model, the Stolper-Samuelsson theorem holds that groups that possess the factors will support or oppose trade depending on the abundance or scarcity of the factors. This means that in a country which is abundant in land and scarce in capital, farmers will support free trade whereas producers in capital-intensive manufacturing will oppose free trade. Building on these insights, influential research by Ronald Rogowski argued that factor endowments predicted whether countries were characterized by class-conflict (capital vs. labor) or urban-rural conflict. A 2023 study by Milner and Lindsay R. Dolan found that factor endowments help explain trade preferences in Africa. Research has substantiated the predictions of the Stolper-Samuelsson theorem, showing that trade openness tends to reduce inequality in developing countries, but exacerbate it in advanced economies. The
sectors model of trade, the
Ricardo–Viner model (named after David Ricardo and
Jacob Viner), challenges the notion that factors are key to understanding trade preferences. As a result, the Ricardo-Viner model predicts that class conflict over trade is more likely when factors are highly mobile, but that industry-based conflict is more likely when factors are immobile. Adam Dean has challenged the economic assumptions in both models, arguing that workers' wages do not consistently correspond to increases in productivity in a given industry (contradicting Ricardo-Viner) nor do workers consistently benefit from import restrictions when labor is the scarce factor of endowment (contradicting Heckscher-Ohlin). The degree to which Ricardo-Viner and Heckscher-Ohlin are correct is conditioned by whether workers have profit-sharing institutions or are unionized (which helps them to bargain for higher wages amid productivity increases). Studies by
Dani Rodrik and Anna Mayda, as well as
Kenneth Scheve and
Matthew J. Slaughter have found support for the factor models, as they show that there is greater support for trade openness in developing countries (where labor is abundant and thus benefits from trade openness). Other studies find no support for either model, and argue that the models have limited explanatory value. A 2022 study in the
Journal of Politics found that comparative advantage predicts attitudes on free trade among individuals and legislators. According to a 2017 assessment by Thomas Oatley, there are "no strong conclusions" in IPE scholarship as to which of these models better characterizes the sources of individual trade policies.
Economic geography approaches explain trade policies by looking at the regions that benefit and lose on globalization; it predicts that large cities support trade liberalization and that left-behind regions push back on liberalization. Other alternative models to the factor and sector models may explain individual preferences through demographic data (age, class, skills, education,), as well as ideology and culture. Some studies have raised questions about whether individuals understand the effects of trade protectionism, which puts doubt on theories that assume that trade policy preferences are rooted in economic self-interest. Influential studies by David Cameron,
Dani Rodrik and
Peter Katzenstein have affirmed the insights of the
Double Movement, as they show that greater trade openness has been associated with increases in government social spending. In terms of how preferences get aggregated and reconciled into foreign economic policies, IPE scholars have pointed to collective action problems, regime types, veto points, the nature of the legislative trade policy process, the interaction between domestic and international bargaining, and the interactions between political elites and epistemic communities. Some IPE scholarship de-emphasizes the role of domestic politics and points to international processes as shapers of trade policy. Some scholars have argued for a "
new interdependence approach", which restores insights from the
complex interdependence of the 1970s, but emphasizes network effects, control over central nodes, and path dependence.
Economic development IPE is also concerned with
development economics and explaining how and why countries develop. ==Historical IPE approaches==