Changes after this point characterize the
New Indo-Aryan (NIA) era from the MIA period. These changes up to
Old Hindi (OH) start to distinguish Hindi from nearby languages like
Marathi,
Gujarati, and
Punjabi. Many of these rules are sporadically underway already in Late Prakrit/Apabhramsha. • Prakrit
ṇ /ɳ/
, ḷ /ɭ/ are dentalized to
n /n̪/
, l /l/ everywhere
. In Marathi, Gujarati, and Punjabi, we instead find retroflex forms intervocalically and dental forms elsewhere. • Intervocalic
v /ʋ/ is lost around
ī̆ /i(ː)/. — Prakrit
ṇāvia- (णाविअ-) > Hindustani
nāī (नाई ) "barber". Compare Marathi
nhāvī (न्हावी). • Initial
v /ʋ/ > b /b/ and medial
vv /ʋː/ >
bb /bː/ — Prakrit
vāla- (वाल-) > OH
bāla (बाल ) "hair", whence Hindustani
bāl. Compare Gujarati
vāḷ (વાળ)
. •
ī is shortened before a vowel. — Prakrit
bīa- (बीअ-) > OH/Hindustani
biyā (बिया ) "seed". • Several vowel coalescence rules that reduce the frequency of vowels in hiatus. These rules are present to some degree in all NIA languages: • Diphthongs
ai /a͡ɪ/,
au /a͡ʊ/,
āy /ɑːj/, and
āv /ɑːʋ/ are the outcomes of the two-vowel sequences
aï /ɐ.i/,
aü /ɐ.u/,
āi /ɑː.i/, and
āu /ɑː.u/, respectively. • When followed by a stressed vowel, short
i /i/ and
u /u/ become glides. — Prakrit
pivāsā- (पिवासा-, /piʋɑːsɑː/) > Apa.
piāsa- (पिआस-, /piˈɑː.sɐ/) > OH
pyāsa (प्यास , /ˈpjɑː.sɐ/) "thirst", whence Hindustani
pyās. • When a short, unstressed vowel is preceded by /i(ː) u(ː) eː oː/, the second vowel is lost and the first vowel is lengthened if short. — Prakrit
sīala- (सीअल-, /siːɐlɐ/) > OH
sīla (सील , /ˈsiː.lɐ/) "cold, damp", whence Hindustani
sīl. • Prakrit /ɐɐ/ (spelled
aa अअ
, aya अय) generally coalesces to the diphthong
ai /a͡ɪ/ (more rarely /a͡ʊ/), but can sometimes contract further to
e /eː/. Similarly,
ava /ɐʋɐ/ coalesces to the diphthong
au /a͡ʊ/, but can sometimes contract further to
o /oː/. — Prakrit
ṇaaṇa- (णअण-, /nɐ.ɐ.nɐ/) > OH
naina (नैन , /ˈn̪a͡ɪ.n̪ɐ/) "eye", whence Hindustani
nain.
Turner explains the occasional further contraction of
ai > e and
au > o (at least for Gujarati) in terms of inherited words versus semi-learned words: in the former the process has had time to go further. A similar explanation of occasions where
-y- possessed more reality could be drawn up to word frequency, dialectal borrowing, and semi-learned borrowings. • Remaining short/long vowels of
like quality coalesce into a single long vowel. — Prakrit
duuṇa- (दुउण-, /d̪u.u.n̪ɐ/) > OH
dūna (दून , /ˈd̪uː.n̪ɐ/). • In remaining cases or in if a morpheme boundary is felt between the vowels in hiatus, vowels may not coalesce. A semivowel may optionally appear to fill the hiatus. • Sound changes relating to the simplification of consonant clusters: • For stressed syllables, the general rule is
VCː > VːC and
VNC > ṼːC. That is, a consonant cluster is simplified and the preceding vowel undergoes
compensatory lengthening or lengthening +
nasalization. Per usual,
a /ɐ/ lengthens and shifts in
quality to
ā /ɑː/. Short allophonic
ĕ /e/ and
ǒ /o/
always elongate to
e /eː/ and
o /oː/. This change occurred in all regions in some form, excluding the
Northwest (e.g. Punjabi). Generally, this sound change had already occurred in the East by the eighth century AD, based on inscriptions found in East Bengal and Chinese-Sanskrit dictionaries of the time. It was probably completed in the Central region by the tenth century. • Prakrit
satta (सत्त, /sɐt̪ːɐ/) > OH
sāta (सात , /ˈsɑː.t̪ɐ/) "seven", whence Hindustani
sāt. Compare Punjabi
sattă (ਸੱਤ ). • Prakrit
daṃta- (दंत-, /d̪ɐn̪.t̪ɐ/) > OH
dā̃ta (दाँत , /ˈd̪ɑ̃ː.t̪ɐ/) "tooth", whence Hindustani
dā̃t. Compare Punjabi
dand (ਦੰਦ ). • Compensatory lengthening from older geminates was sometimes accompanied by spontaneous (and regionally random) nasalization of the vowel. In some cases, this goes back to Prakrit or is otherwise reflected in nearby NIA languages. • Unstressed syllables generally underwent VCː > VC and VNC > VNC, i.e. the vowel is left short. — Prakrit
kappūra- (कप्पूर-, /kɐpːuːɾɐ/) > OH
kapūra (कपूर , /kɐˈpuː.ɾɐ/) "camphor". Compare Old Marathi
kāpura (𑘎𑘰𑘢𑘳𑘨), with lengthening of
a >
ā. • When a stressed VCː or VNC syllable is
preceded by another heavy syllable (i.e. of the form Vː(C), VCː, or VNC), it will also sometimes undergo VCː > VC and VNC > VNC with no compensatory lengthening, shifting stress onto the preceding syllable. — Prakrit
pālakka- (पालक्क-, /pɑːlɐkːɐ/) > OH
pālaka (पालक , /ˈpɑː.lɐ.kɐ/) "spinach", whence Hindustani
pālak. Occasionally, though, compensatory lengthening will occur, as in Prakrit
bhattijja- (भत्तिज्ज-, /bʱɐt̪ːid͡ːʒɐ/) > OH
bhatījā (भतीजा , /bʱɐˈt̪iː.d͡ʒɑː/) "nephew", whence Hindustani
bhatījā. == Changes within Old Hindi and up to Hindustani ==