John of Tella wrote many works during his life in exile. Most of his writings consist of instructions and exhortations addressed to his clergy and followers during the height of imperial persecution.
Politeia John of Tella developed and organized what he called a
politeia () — a Greek loanword that may be translated as "commonwealth," "constitution," or "way of life." In John's context, it referred to his network of monks and priests functioning as a unified corporate society of faith, a structure that continued among his followers after his death. The concept of
politeia in John's writings has been interpreted in various ways, often understood as the "
politeia of the faithful faction," an ecclesiastical system established to maintain clerical unity and continuity during his exile. , Iraq, a region where John's
politeia — the hallmark of his treatises — flourished Several traditions served as the model for John's
politeia. Community fellowship and the moral responsibilities of the citizen within the city-state were central to the
Greek philosophical background, as found in
Plato and
Aristotle. Another example from
Jewish literature was
Josephus, who hailed
Moses's
politeia as the ideal social structure. Early Christian writers, adapting these ideas, presented the Christian
politeia as morally and spiritually superior to pagan or Jewish models. After the conversion of
Constantine, monastics further employed the term to distinguish their ascetic way of life from that of lay Christians. Preachers used the concept of
politeia to encourage the faithful to uphold a Christian lifestyle; in doing so, the sense of community becomes individualized for each person while still belonging to a larger community that shares these values, despite individual variations.
Eusebius of Caesaria describes Jesus Christ "during the times of his
incarnate politeia," where His human nature possessed the qualities of being like other humans while also embodying a united Divine nature. Thus,
politeia has come to delineate the differences between various communities, elevating certain practices in contrast to surrounding ones with inferior traditions. Its usage by John's followers encapsulates these meanings, defining their community as superior to others, including heterodox groups, heathens, laypeople, and the Byzantine and Persian imperial systems, all while adhering to orthodoxy and asceticism as alternatives to worldly
politeiai in favor of a more spiritual one. The writings of his followers contain instructions for priests to maintain behaviors that distinguish them from others, whether they be heretics or their laymen flock. The main purpose of John's
politeia was to preserve doctrinal purity within his clerical network, ensuring continued adherence to the theological positions of
Severus of Antioch and
Philoxenus of Mabbug (as the
Syriac Orthodox Church currently does) while rejecting both
Chalcedonian Christology with its
Tome of Leo and
Julianism. For ascetic clergy, his regulations offered helpful advice on proper conduct and appearance,
usury avoidance, diet, and interactions with women. In order to avoid
simony, John further regulated priestly donations, which alarmed Sassanid authorities. This model of
politeia was strongly supported by Severus of Antioch, who often corresponded with John. He compared it to the remaining 7,000
Israelites that God had preserved during
Prophet Elijah's time. Severus likened the "idolaters" of the Roman and Sassanid empires to those condemned by Elijah, thus celebrating John's clergy as a faithful remnant of orthodoxy. The word
politeia appears frequently in Syriac translations of Severus's letters which indicates that the Greek originals also contained it. One such example is a letter addressed to a certain Simeon, archimandrite of the monastery of
Teleda, telling him that "it befits [his]
politeia" to be included in the community of orthodox clergymen; this letter mirrors the patience exhibited by Israelite kings, suggesting that he should also embody patience while emphasizing his role as a model for his community. Another example is found in a letter that describes the
Mosaic laws that the Jews were required to abide by against the laws of external emperors that were not of God. Hence, Severus stressed that these earthly religious leaders should stand firm and not yield to the demands of emperors while remaining steadfast under persecution, just as the Israelites were instructed not to associate with pagans and idolators. A recurring theme in the writings of Severus, John, and their followers is the rejection of imperial religious coercion by both the Byzantine and Persian states, the faithful urged to stand firm under persecution and to prioritize divine command over imperial law. Severus strongly endorsed John's ordinations and urged him to gather Miaphysites from far and wide, including Persia (noting that Elias may have been referring to Persian-controlled Mesopotamian towns) and
Armenia, who would return to their home parishes after ordination. John's
politeia also sought to maintain clear distinctions between orthodoxy and heresy by outlining the problems along the Byzantine-Persian frontier where diverse Christian communities intermingled. He expressed concern that contact with the nearby
Church of the East might lead to the adoption of its liturgical vessels and practices. Instead, he preferred to integrate Arabs and other nomads into the Miaphysite communion rather than
commune Chalcedonians. By bringing anti-Chalcedonian Christians together across linguistic and imperial divides into a single ecclesiastical structure, John was able to transcend political boundaries. Later, John of Ephesus would describe John of Tella's deeds as preceding those of
Jacob Baradaeus. John faced charges of treason for continuing to ordain priests, bishops, and deacons in spite of the emperor's prohibition. The emperor had explicitly forbidden him to continue ordinations, but John believed that his mission transcended worldly empires and political frontiers. For him, the
politeia was a divine institution — the true commonwealth of the faithful, existing independently of any temporal power.
Theology By portraying
Chalcedon as a schismatic break from the true Church, similar to the earlier heresies of
Arius and
Nestorius, John of Tella's theological work was firmly anchored in the defense and consolidation of the Miaphysite tradition. In contrast to the Miaphysites who upheld the
Pauline apostolic tradition, he characterized Chalcedonians as followers of Nestorius and that "the Council of Chalcedon did not build upon the foundation which the divine master-builder Paul had laid, but upon the sand which Nestorius, the confounder and the destroyer, had laid." holds that the natures of Christ, divine and human, are fully united into one composite nature without mixture, confusion, or separation — in contrast to
Dyophysitism, which teaches that the two natures persist independently after the union John offered a positive apologia for the Miaphysite position while critiquing his opponents. He argued that the Tome of Leo greatly divided Christ's human and divine natures, resulting in two separate Persons — one God who walked on water and multiplied the bread, and the other a man who was born and baptized — whereas
Cyril's paradigm presented the Incarnate God as a unified entity "without mixture and change." Thus, the Chalcedonians believe in two Sons and a "Quaternity" as opposed to a
Trinity. He also included multiple apologias against
Julianism, whose followers were also non-Chalcedonian but held different views from Severus's teachings regarding the corruptibility of Christ's body. John of Tella, along with other anti-Chalcedonian leaders such as Philoxenus of Mabbug,
John Rufus, and Severus of Antioch, actively discouraged the faithful from interacting with Chalcedonians, most prominent being John. He propagated the notion that, in the face of expanding Chalcedonian influence, the integrity and exact boundaries of the Miaphysite community needed to be maintained by rigorous separation because heresy could spiritually "pollute" a community if it came into contact with it. This kind of orthodox quarantine is similar to
Old Testament prohibitions like the forbidding of Jews to mix with Gentiles, which encouraged the Syriac Orthodox to stay clear of heretics. For John, such separation extended even to ritual objects, including altars and the Eucharist, which had to remain free from association with heretical practices. John, like
Irenaeus before him, also composed a
heresiology. An excerpt highlighting this is the following:Nestorius thought of Him as a man who dwelt in Him, that is, God the Word.
Eutyches, as he complied with the doctrine of
Mani and of
Valentinus, thought of Him in terms of hallucinations and illusions concerning the mystery of the humanization of God the
Word, and thus he insulted our Savior.
Arius and
Eunomius the blasphemers thought of Him as the son of the Creator and of a created woman. They abased the hypostasis of the spirit from the nature of the Godhead. When he tried to show that our Lord was vain and not perfect,
Apollinaris blasphemed rashly and said that God the Word was embodied within the mind and the soul.
Macedonius ventured iniquitously when he said that the Holy Spirit was utterly not within the nature of the Godhead.
Paul of Samosata,
Diodore,
Theodore,
Nestorius,
Ibas,
Theodoret, the
Council of Chalcedon and the
Tome of Leo all drank from the one and the same pit of stinking filth.
Ecclesiology John preserved apostolic succession and sacramental life within the community by consecrating new clergy throughout the East, whereas Chalcedonian hierarchy expected that the movement would cease to exist when current Miaphysite bishops died. He is known to have ordained almost 170,000 priests and deacons during his ministry. John placed equal importance on both the quality and the quantity of those he ordained. He kept thorough records of every ordination and personally assessed candidates — Chalcedonians and Miaphysites, both of whom came to him — for their chastity, attentiveness, and pastoral fit. His extensive network of clergy was viewed as a political threat, as evidenced by the fact that Persian authorities later targeted these records. He did not ordain many bishops, as he was afraid of further retribution from the emperor; additionally, bishops were not particularly needed, and any new ordinands would have been targeted just as easily. Furthermore, since, at the time, the
Dyophysites had significantly fewer followers than the Miaphysites, his Church required more priests and deacons to actively administer the Eucharist, rather than merely titular bishops. Chalcedonian bishops frequently accused John of violating
Church canons by ordaining clergy outside his jurisdiction. Citing earlier bishops like
Eusebius of Samosata who had ordained
Basil the Great in times of crisis and was revered by both Chalcedonians and non-Chalcedonians, he justified his actions by affirming that "when there is anarchy, the Church cannot observe the accuracy of the canons." John also pointed to
Athanasius of Alexandria, who also ordained numerous clergy outside his jurisdiction during his various exiles. Thus, despite going against the canons, John's actions were still in alignment with orthodoxy. John's conception of ecclesiology was more Pauline than Petrine. He viewed
Paul as his spiritual mentor and patron, whose mission he aimed to imitate in both suffering and tenacity, even though he recognized
Peter as the most important of the apostles. John opposed the notion that the Church of God was identical with the imperial Church or that ecclesiastical canons were to be equated with imperial law. Rather, he viewed the
early, pre-imperial Church as a model of spiritual authenticity; scholars have since compared this perspective to
Nikolai Afanasiev's idea of "Eucharistic ecclesiology." Just as Paul built his Christian communities in opposition to the pagan structures of Rome, John of Tella established a parallel Miaphysite hierarchy in defiance of what he regarded as heretical imperial institutions. John's understanding of the Church is manifested in his writings and actions. He viewed the Church as the original continuation of the teachings of all the apostles, unified in agreement. His efforts to keep the Eucharistic celebrations alive in the East, even under severe persecution, is indicative of his belief.
Eucharist The
Eucharist played a crucial role in early and late antique Syriac Christianity, as evidenced by John of Tella's strong emphasis on it. In keeping with
Ephrem the Syrian,
Philoxenus of Mabbug, and other Syriac Fathers, fire is likened to a lit coal () in reference to
Isaiah 6:6-7. In this context, the lit coal that touches
Isaiah's lips and absolves him from sin is prefigured as the Eucharist. The Miaphysite community, often persecuted and expelled from monasteries by Chalcedonians, faced challenges in accessing clergy capable of administering valid
sacraments (since those of Chalcedonian clergy were considered invalid). John regarded the Eucharist as "the great and most exalted" sacrament, central to the spiritual life of the faithful, and stressed its importance above other rites, including
baptism and
penitence. He further instructed believers to avoid what he called the "poison of death" represented by the Chalcedonian Eucharist.
Diaconate John of Tella devoted much attention to defining the role and duties of
deacons within the Church. In his writings, he compares the deacon to an angel, whereby they help mainting the sanctity and integrity of the altar, and assist in the celebration of the Eucharist. These responsibilities were similarly spoken of by
Ignatius of Antioch,
Justin Martyr, and
Aphrahat. A major concern for John was the proper handling of the Eucharist. The deacon was responsible for ensuring that the quantity of consecrated bread matched the number of communicants so that no consecrated elements would remain unconsumed. John warned that any deacon who consecrated more than necessary risked condemnation, as excess Eucharist could either be desecrated through spoilage or consumed to excess. In cases where surplus occurred, it was to be preserved reverently for the following day. John also criticized certain monks at the Monastery of Mar Zakkai who lived solely on consecrated bread and wine, repeating
Rabbula of Edessa in condemning them as "greedy dogs eating their Lord." He further prescribed that the Eucharistic bread be arranged on the altar in the shape of a cross, with the wine (
Blood of Christ) placed to the east of the bread (
Body of Christ) and be entirely free of impurities. The deacon was also responsible for the cleanliness of the sanctuary and altar, along with cleaning the vessels afterwards.
Biographers The author of his biography, Elias, composed his
Life of John of Tella in 542. It consists of a letter addressed to anti-Chalcedonian believers during the severe persecutions brought upon by the Byzantines, urging them to remain faithful despite the hardships. Here, John is presented as a staunch Miaphysite leader and a loyal follower of Severus of Antioch. Though little is known about Elias, it can be gleaned from the letters that he was a disciple of John and an equally ardent Miaphysite. Elias lived with John in the Singara mountains, where he was also abducted by Ephrem and brought to Antioch, where John died the following year. However, these details, coming from Elias himself, are open to debate. Elias's
Life, like that of John of Ephesus, portrays John of Tella as the central figure and cornerstone of a clerical hierarchy, along with a network of priests and monks that extended across the boundaries of the Byzantine and Persian empires. Elias also portrays John as a creator of a new Christian
politeia and defends him against charges of criminality by the Byzantines and Persians.
John of Ephesus, also called John of Asia, composed another biography of John of Tella; his
Life shares similar details with but is an abridged version of Elias's account. == Works ==