Kefaya

While Kefaya first emerged in 2004, its origins can be found in earlier strands of political protest, beginning with the solidarity committees that spread throughout Egypt following the start of the Second Intifada in October 2000. The pro-Intifada demonstrations were particularly notable as they involved a new generation of previously non-politicised youth and, as a direct consequence, resulted in a revival of Egyptian street politics. Following the US-led invasion of Iraq in March 2003, these protesters formed the backbone of Egypt's highly vocal anti-war movement, and their protests in turn developed into the first public demonstrations against President Mubarak since he had taken office. The anti-war protest of 20 March 2003 – from which the anti-war movement 20 March derived its name – was one of the biggest spontaneous demonstrations in Egypt's history. The evolution of this protest movement into Kefaya occurred during the summer of 2004. Speculation, fuelled by state-controlled media, had been mounting that major changes in top-level political personnel were to be announced. The much-anticipated cabinet reshuffle in July resulted in only cosmetic changes, however, and saw the installation of a number of supporters of the President's son, Gamal Mubarak, in important government posts. Fearing a hereditary transfer of power similar to that which had occurred in Syria, opposition activists and intellectuals were galvanised into action. In August, a petition was circulated which demanded fundamental constitutional and economic reforms, but most importantly direct presidential elections with competing candidates. Then in October 2004, Tarek El-Bishry, one of Egypt's most respected judges, presented what soon came to be regarded as the movement's first manifesto in which he exhorted his fellow citizens to "withdraw their long-abused consent to be governed" – in effect, a call for civil disobedience. Kefaya's first rally, held on 12 December, was an historic event, being the first occasion a protest had been organised solely to demand that the President step down. Surrounded by riot police, between 500 and 1,000 activists gathered on the steps of the High Court in Cairo. They "remained mostly silent and taped over their mouths a large yellow sticker emblazoned with 'Kefaya'." == Support-base ==

Described as a "loose knit umbrella of diverse political trends," It draws its support from a cosmopolitan range of sources including Nasserists, Islamists, Liberals, Marxists, Secularists etc., some of which have deep-rooted ideological differences, and have even clashed in the past. Activists frequently stress that it is not a political party aiming to achieve power, but a "national coalition movement" united by the common goal of seeking an end to President Mubarak's rule. Another member, Dr Mohamed Al-Saed Idris, an academic, called it "a national cry against the status quo." == Key events ==

Kefaya came of age in 2005, a year which saw two events of great significance in Egyptian politics. The first was a referendum on 25 May to approve changes to the constitution that would allow the first ever direct, multi-candidate elections for the presidency. The second was the presidential election itself, held on 7 September. Constitutional amendments Kefaya had continued its campaign for political reform since its December demonstration, attracting increasing attention from the government. A rally planned for 18 January was banned, while in the same month political scientist and leading activist Mohamed El-Sayed Said, was removed from a panel discussion at Cairo's Book Fair. The immediate repercussion to this announcement was the decision by US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to cancel a proposed visit to the country in protest at the arrest and imprisonment of opposition politician Ayman Nour, leader of the al-Ghad (Tomorrow) Party. More generally, American President George W. Bush had been putting pressure on key regional allies, especially Egypt and Saudi Arabia, to introduce some form of electoral reform as part of efforts to spread democracy – the so-called "forward strategy for freedom." The Washington Post described President Mubarak's plans as "an act of minimalism intended to deflect domestic and international pressure." Kefaya immediately denounced the proposals as "theatrics" and a "fake reform" designed merely as a "reformulation of the dictatorship". When the specifics of the constitutional amendment were presented by lawmakers, the opposition's fears seemed justified. Under the new rules, each candidate would require the support of at least 250 elected officials from national or local bodies. As these were controlled by the NDP, it would be virtually impossible for signatures to be collected. The referendum campaign The run-up to the referendum saw popular demands for reform "skyrocket." Kefaya held regular protests, calling for the "cancellation of the state of emergency law and all special laws that restrict freedoms" (''ilgha'halat al-tawari'wa kafat al-qawanin al-istithna 'iyya al-muqayyada lil-hurriyat''). In addition, they attacked the government for its record on social welfare, job creation and education. The previous month Misr Digital, the country's first independent digital newspaper, was launched quickly becoming the main source of information on Kefaya's activities. put additional pressure on the government over the issue of the domestic monitoring of elections. At a meeting on 15 April of the Alexandria Judges Club, 1,200 judges threatened to withdraw their supervision of presidential and parliamentary elections unless they were guaranteed independence and control of all stages of elections. 25 May 2005 On 25 May, the day of the referendum, demonstrations organised by Kefaya in front of the Press Syndicate headquarters and Sa'd Zaghlul Shrine in Cairo were attacked by Mubarak supporters and plain-clothes policemen, whilst riot police looked on. A reporter gave an eyewitness account of what happened in front of the press building: "The steps were full of Kefaya people and I was on the edge of the crowd. There was a cordon of security and riot policemen on the street. I saw a group of NDP people come down the streets – they had Mubarak posters – and there were at least 20 riot police walking with them, looking like they were protecting them. The police at the bottom of the steps opened the cordon to let the NDP gang through to the demonstrators. The next thing I knew a gang of about 20 or 30 NDP guys came at us from the left." Amongst the victims of the brutality were two women who were beaten and sexually molested. The decision to do this was described by Human Rights Watch as "not just to prevent a demonstration, but also to physically punish those daring to protest President Mubarak's candidacy." One of Kefaya's founding members, Hany Anan, declared: "We are showing Egyptians that we can challenge the ruler, we can tell him we don't want you, that's enough, you go, and we can do this in public and still go back to our homes, maybe with some wounds or some bruises, but we still go home." Although ten candidates stood for the presidency, the election results came as little surprise. President Mubarak won with 88.6% of the vote. However, of 32 million eligible voters, only seven million cast their ballot, meaning just six million had voted to re-elect the President for a further six years. Most of the defeated candidates challenged these results on the grounds of fraud and other irregularities. Talking about the coalition's disappointing showing, Kefaya spokesman Abdel-Halim Qandil said "it will take time and effort for the public to believe in its effectiveness." == Criticism ==

Despite its importance in becoming a "model of dissent", It has also been criticised for failing to reach beyond "an exclusive, Cairo-based intellectual crowd," offering a "lofty discourse on human rights and democracy" but no practical solutions to the problems Egyptians face on a daily basis, such as poverty, unemployment, poor access to education and public services, etc. Unless they can broaden their base of support into key urban and rural areas, they may indeed remain "a group of intellectuals screaming and shouting in political forums and magazines." == Future prospects ==

After the high-profile campaigns of 2005, Kefaya has found itself in the political doldrums. Its challenge became how to operate in what had apparently become a largely "apolitical society". There have been disputes over tactics between the movement and Youth for Change, particularly over what have been termed the latter's "vigilante street tactics." Having successfully broken the taboo on directly criticising and challenging the President, it remains to be seen whether unity within such a disparate movement can be maintained long enough for it to broaden its appeal beyond its urban roots and become a genuine popular movement. At the time of the 2011 Egyptian protests the movement joined the protests that had been initiated by younger internet-savvy agitators via Facebook, and were described by international media interviewers as the 'opposition'. == See also ==