A synthesis of various oral traditions concerning the
Settlement of Nandi suggests that the emergence of a distinct Nandi identity took place in the early decades of the nineteenth century, and at the latest, by the latter part of the eighteenth century. The formation of this identity occurred over several decades, during which diverse clans gradually came together, and a clear distinction from the earlier Chemwal identity began to take shape. Early accounts describe settlers arriving from the Mount Elgon region, followed by two significant episodes of contact: one in the Kipchorian/Nyando Valley, and another involving encounters with a community on the Uasin Gishu Plateau. These areas—corresponding roughly to present-day
Nandi and
Uasin Gishu Counties—remain predominantly inhabited by people of Nandi ethnicity.
19th century Settlement of Nandi Within Nandi tradition, the existence of a differentiated Nandi identity is understood as a distinct process through which various Kalenjin and
Maa-speaking clans came to occupy the present day Nandi county. The traditional Nandi account is that the first settlers in their country came from Elgon during the time of the Maina and formed the Kipoiis clan; a name that possibly means 'the spirits'. They were led by a man named
Kakipoch, founder of the Nandi section of the Kalenjin and are said to have settled in the
emet (county) of
Aldai in south-western Nandi. One of the earliest
Bororiet was named after Kakipoch and the site of his grave, still shown on Chepilat hill in Aldai was marked by the stump of an ancient olive tree. The account of his burial is that his body was laid on ox-hide, together with his possessions, and left for the hyenas. Studies of the settlement pattern indicate that the southern regions were the first to be settled, the
emet of Aldai on the west and the
emet of Soiin on the east, being the first to be established. It has been conjectured that the first
pororosiek were Kakipoch in Aldai and Tuken in Soiin. It is notable that
Sirikwa holes (known to the Nandi as
mukowanisiek) were almost non-existent in the areas first settled, being only present on the
Nandi escarpment itself. They were however found in great numbers in the northern regions of Nandi. The earliest references to Arab caravans in Nandi oral tradition date back to the 1850s, during the time when the Sawe
ibinda (age-set) served as warriors. These encounters were hostile, with Nandi warriors frequently raiding the caravans. By 1854, a subset of the Sawe had acquired the name Mararma ("those who do not fear fire"), possibly in recognition of their chivalrious success in raiding Arab caravans or due to a major Arab defeat at Kipsoboi inspite of the arabs having rifles. Nandi warriors had never previously faced opponents armed with firearms, and they were forced to adapt their military strategies accordingly. Like the Maasai, the Nandi employed tactics that involved drawing enemy fire through a sudden rush, then dropping to the ground. As the muzzle-loading rifles were being reloaded, the warriors would charge at the caravan porters. The startled porters, retreating into the line of reloading riflemen, created confusion that the Nandi exploited—spearing the disoriented men during the chaos. This tactic proved effective and was used successfully until the battle of Kimondi in 1895. Part of the reason for the Nandi success was the limited access. The easiest approach was from the north-east, but a caravan had to travel two or three days before reaching principal Nandi settlements. This evidently was not preferable as the Arab caravans diverted east to Kavirondo and Mumias where food and protection was located. Due to the casualties to the caravans, direct trade increasingly became difficult. Caravans rarely entered or camped in Nandi and a strange "middle man" system evolved after the 1850s. Trusted Sotik and Dorobo agents were employed to act as "middle men" who would trade ivory and other coastal goods for cattle to the Nandi for a large commission. Matson, in his account of the resistance, showed "how the irresponsible actions of two British traders, Dick and West, quickly upset the precarious modus vivendi between the Nandi and incoming British". This would cause more than a decade of conflict led on the Nandi side by
Koitalel Arap Samoei, the Nandi at the time. The conflict would end on 19 October 1905, when
Col Richard Meinertzhagen called for a peace meeting. Instead, Meinertzhagen and his men killed Koitalel and his entourage on the grounds of what is now Nandi Bears Club. Sosten Saina, grand-nephew of one of Arap Samoei's bodyguards notes that "There were about 22 of them who went for a meeting with the
mzungu that day. Koitalel Arap Samoei had been advised not to shake hands because if he did, that would give him away as the leader. But he extended his hand and was shot immediately". Shortly after this event, the Nandi Resistance ended and Nandi was incorporated into the British East Africa Protectorate.
20th century World War I (1914–1918) Official records of the K.A.R show that a total of 1,197 Nandi were recruited during the war. At the time the Nandi population is estimated to have been about 40–50,000 individuals. Most of those recruited were of the Nyongi age-set which had been initiated during the four-year period immediately preceding the war. Greenstein (1978) following interviews with veterans of the war found that participation in the war made little impact on the Nyongik, as or as agents-of-change, as regards adapting western methods. Neither did the earned wages seem to engender an affection for the formal economy nor was any effort made towards participation in the political process. Socially, the Nyongik had been initiated just prior to the wars, hence they left and returned unmarried. This did not disrupt ordinary patterns since it was more usual than unusual for young men to wait a few years before marriage. This time was spent searching for bride wealth, and serving in the war may be said to have served this purpose. Later interviews with veterans indicate that they were warmly welcomed back by parents and contemporaries. Neither did they bear resentment to their age-mates who had avoided the hardships of military service, some of whom had married and acquired cattle in the intervening period. In fact, the veterans note that they expressed gratitude to them for looking after their cattle and other property as they had been slogging around
Tanganyika and
Mozambique. Politically, it is observed that the Nyongik assimilated back into the traditional power structure in much the same positions they had left some three or four years earlier. Within that structure, age and not stars and stripes counted for seniority. The obligations and ties they resumed were to their families, age-set and
korotinwek meaning the common interests of veterans gave way to a man's traditional associations. Greenstein notes that the concept of a formal organisation of veterans appears either not to have occurred or perhaps not appealed to them. Even the pension issue did not impel the Nyongik to form any sort of coherent organization. The introduction of the Maxim gun altered the power symmetry which Greenstein suggests was apparent to Africans hence "the deference showed, which some Europeans took as awe and respect". The environment following the war was thus one in which the European population was worried about civilian unrest. Fears that appear to have been stoked by an upsurge in political activity in the 1920s, notably
Archdeacon Owen's
Piny Owacho (Voice of the People) movement and
Harry Thuku's Young Kikuyu Association.
Nandi Protest of 1923 A number of factors taking place in the early 1920s led to what has come to be termed the Nandi Protest or Uprisings of 1923. It was the first expression of organized resistance by the Nandi since the
wars of 1905-06. Primary contributing factors were the land alienation of 1920 and a steep increase in taxation, taxation tripled between 1909 and 1920 and because of a change in collection date, two taxes were collected in 1921. The
Kipsigis and Nandi refused to pay and this amount was deferred to 1922. Further, due to fears of a spread of
rinderpest following an outbreak, a stock quarantine was imposed on the Nandi Reserve between 1921 and 1923. The Nandi, prevented from selling stock outside the Reserve, had no cash, and taxes had to go unpaid. Normally, grain shortages in Nandi were met by selling stock and buying grain. The quarantine made this impossible. The labor conscription that took place under the Northey Circulars only added to the bitterness against the
colonial government. All these things contributed to a buildup of antagonism and unrest toward the government between 1920 and 1923. In 1923, the
saget ab eito (sacrifice of the ox), a historically significant ceremony where leadership of the community was transferred between generations, was to take place. This ceremony had always been followed by an increased rate of cattle raiding as the now formally recognized warrior age-set sought to prove its prowess. The approach to a
saget ab eito thus witnessed expressions of military fervour and for the ceremony all Nandi males would gather in one place. Alarmed at the prospect and as there was also organized protest among the
Kikuyu and
Luo at that time, the colonial government came to believe that the
Orkoiyot was planning to use the occasion of the
Saget ab eito of 1923 as a cover under which to gather forces for a massive military uprising. On 16 October 1923, several days before the scheduled date for the
saget ab eito, the
Orkoiyot Barsirian Arap Manyei and four other elders were arrested and deported to Meru. Permission to hold the ceremony was withdrawn and it did not take place, nor has it ever taken place since. The
Orkoiyot Barsirian Arap Manyei would spend the next forty years in political detention, becoming Kenya's, and possibly Africa's, longest serving political prisoner. == Recent history, notable figures ==