Narcoculture

The origins of narcoculture, like those of drug trafficking, had relatively modest beginnings in Mexico. Narco culture is generally traced to drug-trafficking practices in the highlands of Badiraguato, Sinaloa. It was in the Sierra Madre Occidental, or rural highlands, that a distinct drug-trafficking identity emerged, before later being consolidated as it expanded into urban areas. Narcoculture has been described as a code of conduct and a lifestyle associated with participation in the "narco world." Several scholars, including Luis Alejandro Astorga Almanza and Jorge Alan Sánchez Godoy, argue that there is no evidence that cannabis or opium were consumed in Mexico prior to the arrival of the Spanish and the Chinese immigrants. Although indigenous communities in Mexico used hallucinogenic mushrooms and peyote for religious purposes, cannabis was introduced following Spanish colonisation. Astorga argues that drug trafficking in Mexico originated in connection with Chinese immigration to Sinaloa, where Chinese immigrants are said to have brought poppy seeds when they arrived to work on railroads and in mines. Sánchez Godoy further argues that after cannabis was introduced to Mexico, it was initially used for medical purposes, while poppy plants were used ornamentally and served as inspiration for several Mexican corridos, or ballads. == Narco production in Mexico ==

The US effectively banned all psychoactive drugs when the federal government passed in 1914 the Harrison Act, prohibiting all non-medicinal use of opium, morphine, and cocaine. In 1919, the National Prohibition Act made alcoholic beverages illegal (though this was later voided by the Twenty-first Amendment, ratified in 1933), and the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937 outlawed marijuana. Mexico's proximity to the US made it an easy black-market source of these drugs, and American bootleggers and traffickers rushed to obtain illicit narcotics and alcohol. Exports of illicit Mexican opium, heroin, and marijuana for US consumption steadily increased as a result of Prohibition. The black market grew quickly, with millions of Americans creating a sudden demand for a huge supply of alcohol, heroin, marijuana and cocaine. The initial shortage caused a boost in drug prices, and these new "super-profits" attracted black-market suppliers to fill the vacuum. Expulsion of Chinese producers During the early 1920s, the Chinese in Sinaloa were victims of segregation, hate crimes, and forceful deportation. In 1927, to cooperate with its northern neighbour, Mexican President Plutarco Elias Calles, by federal mandate, ordered the expulsion of the Chinese poppy producers. US morphine demand Once Chinese poppy producers were expelled from Sinaloa, the production of narcotics became controlled by rural Mexican farmers. The narcotics production in Mexico was still small, but the demand for morphine in the United States, created by the disruption in its morphine supply from Europe during the World Wars, led to the temporary legalization of narcotics in Mexico. Mexican production and the birth of narcoculture Scholars like Jorge Alan Sánchez Godoy and Luis Alejandro Astorga Almanza argue that narcotics were temporarily legalized in Sinaloa in order to supply the United States' demand during the World Wars. The period when the production of narcotics was temporarily legalized ultimately shaped and created the drug trafficking identity in the region. This is when narcoculture first began to appear. It is also the period when Mexico began large-scale production of narcotics. == Rise of Mexican drug cartels and consolidation of narcoculture ==

The 1950s in Mexico were marked by the term narcotráfico ("drug traffic"), which began to appear throughout the media. During the 1940s through the 1970s, drug trafficking in Mexico was considered to be a small family business with a relatively simple organization and division of labor. Subcultures similar to Mexican narco culture emerged in the United States during Prohibition, and in Colombia and Italy in the 1990s. These subcultures were characterized by extravagance, ostentation, hedonism, rural roots, honor, prestige, consumerism, power, utilitarianism, religiosity, and violence. Those who take part in narcoculture are not necessarily drug traffickers or part of a criminal organization. Indeed, many of the participants in narcoculture are young people who come from marginalized sectors of society. The admiration that youth have for narcos is similar to the way other kids might look up to rock stars or sports legends. In some cases, the admiration that they feel for drug traffickers, whom they see as heroes, does lead them to get involved in drug trafficking. But in most cases, they merely consume narco culture and imagine that they are part of the narco world, becoming "narco-poseurs". Narcoculture has created a fantasy where some people believe that drug trafficking is the only way to escape poverty. This fantasy is supported primarily through music (narcocorridos) and visual media, including television and film. Some believe that narcoculture originated in the highlands of Sinaloa, where many of the famous drug lords were born, such as Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán, Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada, Miguel Ángel Félix Gallardo (aka "El Jefe de Jefes"), the Beltrán-Leyva brothers, Ernesto Fonseca Carrillo (aka "Don Neto"), Rafael Caro Quintero, Juan José Esparragoza Moreno (aka "El Azul"), Pedro Avilés Pérez (aka "El León de la Sierra"), and many more. Narcoculture is rooted in the rural areas of Mexico's Pacific Northwest and although it is constantly changing, it continues to foster and strengthen its rural roots over time. Narcos often live luxurious lifestyles and display their wealth by wearing expensive clothing. There are regional differences in the styles of dress; for example, the northern cities closer to the border are influenced by American styles of dress and brands. Narco fashion is gender-conscious, where men and women wear distinct fashion items pertaining to their gender. In many Mexican cities, men may wear piteado belts, cowboy boots made of exotic animal skins, silk shirts, and cowboy hats or baseball caps. Some narcos have cast aside the "cowboy" or northern style in favor of expensive designer clothes. Certain clothing brands, such as Ralph Lauren polo shirts or Ed Hardy style clothing, were worn by several infamous drug traffickers at the moment of their capture, becoming highly fashionable items among the masses and prompting the creation of imitation styles sold on the black market. Styles vary in many cities, but it is very common to see drug traffickers wearing luxury brand labels such as Balenciaga, Burberry, Dolce & Gabbana, Gucci, Hugo Boss, and Louis Vuitton hats, shirts, belts and shoes. Women associated with drug cartels often dress very ostentatiously and wear much jewelry, and it is common to see them wear brands such as Bebe, Burberry, Chanel, Coach, Dior, Gucci, and Guess. Besides wearing expensive brands, drug lords often run their own bars, which are visited mostly by men. Here, narco parties take place, get-togethers and parties where narcos drink and socialize. Although many businesses have closed down because of the tremendous amount of violence sweeping the nation, the narcobars, restaurants, and nightclubs have remained open and thrived. The projection of a glamorous image of the drug cartels by the mass media in Mexico has served to thwart the federal government's efforts to legitimize the war against drugs and organized crime. The Mexican corrido, a song narrating stories, real or imagined, about historical characters, became popular during the Mexican Revolution of 1910. The corrido became popular because it narrated news and events to a largely illiterate population. The corrido also created popular heroes and celebrated their lives and adventures. Pancho Villa, revolutionary leader, was one of the figures celebrated through these corridos. Although these corridos mention kidnappings, assassinations, executions, battles, and disasters, they differ from narco-corridos in that the original corridos attempted to tell a story and give a moral message (like the fall and redemption, sin and punishment, or life and death of a person). The first narco-corridos began to appear in the 1970s. Most scholars agree that Los Tigres del Norte were the pioneers of this genre, first appearing in the southwestern United States, then becoming popular in Sinaloa, Sonora, Baja California and Michoacán. they may express a pride of modern narcos in murdering, torturing, and dismembering their rivals. By contrast, traditional corridos often told of a "benevolent bandit" who committed crimes for a good cause, similar to a Robin Hood figure. Through narcocorridos, drug lords like Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán, Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada, and Rafael Caro Quintero, among others, have been elevated to popular heroes in a similar way as the traditional corrido elevated benevolent bandits like Heraclio Bernal and Jesús Malverde during the Mexican Revolution. Despite the poverty that exists in rural areas, narco corridos idealize it as a place where there is no judgment or obstacle that would impede drug trafficking. Other narco-rap songs celebrate "Metro 3", such as Tamaulipas-based duo Cano y Blunt's "Comandante Metro 3". Some of the main exponents of the genre are Cartel de Santa, Cano y Blunt, DemenT, and Big Los. Mexican narco-related hip-hop and narcoculture have also bled into United States hip-hop, where artists such as Uncle Murda, Skrillex, YG, Gucci Mane, 2 Chainz, and Jayceon "The Game" Taylor have all made songs dedicated drug to traffickers like "El Chapo" Guzmán. Narco juniors "Narco juniors" represent a new wave of narcoculture. Narco juniors are the children of first-generation drug lords, or the children of rich entrepreneurs that got involved in the drug trade "for fun", who have come to reconstitute the meaning of narcoculture and drug trafficking in Mexico. Unlike their fathers or grandfathers, narco juniors have for the most part been raised in urban wealth. By contrast, the older narcos were mostly raised in rural poverty and as a result, placed a high value on family and felt connected to their rural roots, people, and culture. They felt a responsibility to give back to their community. However, narco juniors share a cynical pride in being drug traffickers and tend to place more value on spending money, parties, and luxury. Narco western Modern literature, not only novels and poetry, but also newspapers, magazines, and internet publications, narrate "real stories", or at least what is believed to be real, about certain people involved with the narco movement. Sometimes they exaggerate the legacy of these people and the crimes they have committed in order to intimidate their enemies or the population in general. The narco western is a new literary genre that was started by Hilario Peña's Chinola Kid, published in October 2012. In a recent interview, Hilario stated that the narco western is the modern version of a western. During the 1970s, narco cinema consisted of "Mexploitation" movies released mostly for home entertainment or "video home", creating a B-film market that focused on very controversial topics, which, with the use of violence, would try to create a national reality or identity. These films were mostly made with a low budget, usually under 140,000 Mexican pesos (US$10,000), telling stories about police, drug dealers, and prostitutes. These films are rarely discussed by mainstream critics because of their low budgets and connection with pop culture and low-brow entertainment. Narco cinema develops anti-norms and expresses feelings discouraged in culturally accepted institutions. Social media Cartels have been making use of the Internet over the years, progressing from the outdated MySpace to Facebook, Twitter and Instagram. On these sites, they often post videos that announce themselves as a new emerging power to be feared. One of the most visited websites to follow information about events related to narco violence is El Blog del Narco, which defines itself as neutral. Their only objective is to publish stories in a journalistic way. What draws the most attention are the confessional/torture videos posted by cartels, which contain copious graphic violence, often depicting torture of cartel prisoners and even executions in front of the camera. and Claudia Ochoa Felix, supposed leaders of Los Ántrax, an enforcer gang of the Sinaloa cartel. Both captured the attention of news outlets and blogs with photos on Twitter and Instagram that showed how they enjoy the sort of spoils that Mexicans relate with the lives of successful drug traffickers. Claudia posts pictures on social media, in which she poses with expensive accessories like watches, purses, designer clothes, champagne bottles, cars, planes, and big guns. In a press release, she mentioned how her life had changed after those pictures circulated around the world, and how she feared for her family's safety. She claims that all the pictures of her were modified, because she is not the one appearing in them. She also claims that she has no association whatsoever with any of the drug cartels operating in Mexico. == See also ==