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New People's Army rebellion

The New People's Army rebellion is an ongoing conflict between the government of the Philippines and the New People's Army, the armed wing of the Marxist–Leninist–Maoist Communist Party of the Philippines. It is the most prominent communist armed conflict in the Philippines, with more than 43,000 insurgency-related fatalities between 1969 and 2008. It is also one of the longest ongoing communist insurgencies in the world.

Background
Formation of the Communist Party of the Philippines (1968) The original Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas-1930 (; PKP) was established in 1930 by members of the Partido Obrero de Filipinas and the Socialist Party of the Philippines with the help of the COMINTERN. It would later lead an anti-Japanese Hukbalahap Rebellion in 1942 with the Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon. During World War II, these communist guerrillas fought against both the Japanese and other guerrilla bands. In the years following, Maoist factions began organizing mass organizations such as Kabataang Makabayan, Malayang Kilusan ng Kababaihan and hosting theoretical studies on Marxism–Leninism–Maoism. They would eventually break off from the old party and form the Communist Party of the Philippines/Marxist–Leninist–Maoist in 1968. Founding of the New People's Army (1969) The New People's Army was established by Jose Maria Sison and Bernabe Buscayno as the armed wing of the CPP-MLM. The new Maoist leadership would drop the reformist ideas that led the CPP-1930 to collaborate with the government of Ferdinand Marcos, and enforce Maoist principles, aimed at creating a socialist state through New Democracy by launching a people's war. Its initial strength was estimated to compromise approximately 60 guerrillas and 35 weapons. ==History==
History
Formative years of the NPA (1969–1972) Initial strength and tactics When Buscayno's forces became the NPA in 1969, they were reported to have only 60 guerrillas and 35 World War II-era guns. At first, the NPA tried to follow the Maoist military doctrine of "establishing stable base areas", but this was abandoned when their forces took heavy casualties in Northern Luzon, in favor of dispersing their forces. The NPA's stockpile of weaponry allegedly grew to 60 guns, but all 60 of these guns were lost in an encounter against the Armed Forces of the Philippines, and they were not able to regain firepower until the defection of Lt. Victor Corpus and the 1970 PMA Armory raid. Even on September 23, 1972, when Martial Law was announced, the Philippine National Security Council did not see the NPA as a major threat. Just a few days earlier on September 19, 1972, the council's threat assessment was "between 'normal' and 'Internal Defense Condition 1'", the highest being condition "3." supposedly because this would help build up political and monetary support from the US, which was caught up in red scare paranoia at the time. As a result, as security specialist Richard J. Kessler notes, the administration "mythologized the group, investing it with a revolutionary aura that only attracted more supporters." December 1970 PMA Armory raid The NPA was finally able to regain weaponry on December 29, 1970, when Philippine Military Academy instructor Lt. Victor Corpus defected to the CPP-NPA and led a raid on the PMA armory, timing the raid when most cadets were out on Christmas vacation and the PMA's senior officers including its superintendent, General Ugalde, had left the camp to meet President Ferdinand Marcos upon his scheduled arrival in nearby Baguio City. Corpus, who was PMA's designated officer of the day (OOD), guided the NPA raiding team which managed to escape with Browning automatic rifles, carbines, machine guns, and various other weapons and ammunition. the first act of violence taken by the NPA was the Plaza Miranda bombing which took place on August 21, 1971. Corpus alleges that it was NPA cadres who threw three grenades onto the stage at a Liberal Party rally in Manila, killing nine people and injuring 95 others. This has been disputed in numerous historical texts, which blame President Ferdinand Marcos as the perpetrator of the bombing. Jose Maria Sison continuously denied that he and the Communist Party of the Philippines were responsible for the bombing up to his death. More recently, historian Joseph Scalice has argued that while the Marcos government was allied with the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) in carrying out other bombings throughout the early 1970s, "the evidence of history now overwhelmingly suggests that the Communist Party of the Philippines, despite being allied with the Liberal Party, was responsible for this bombing, seeing it as a means of facilitating repression which they argued would hasten revolution." Relying on small armed community-based propaganda units, the NPA found itself in an all-out rebellion by 1972. Rapid growth of the NPA under the Marcos martial law era (1972–1986) The Communist Party of the Philippines underwent rapid growth from 1972 during the period of martial law under Ferdinand Marcos. Other watershed events that would later radicalize many otherwise "moderate" opposition members include the February 1971 Diliman Commune; the August 1971 suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in the wake of the Plaza Miranda bombing; the September 1972 declaration of Martial Law; the 1980 murder of Macli-ing Dulag; and the August 1983 assassination of Ninoy Aquino. This radicalization led to a significant growth of the CPP and of the New People's Army under the Marcos administration. The parallel Moro insurgency created favorable conditions for the development of NPA. During the 1970s, 75% of the Philippine military was deployed on the island of Mindanao, a Moro stronghold, despite the 1976 peace deal between the government and MILF. As of 2000, 40% of the AFP troops continued to engage Moro rebels. The splinter group's new stated goal was to fight for autonomy for the people of the Cordillera. Shortly after Ferdinand Marcos was ousted by the People Power Revolution, the CPLA made a "sipat" or ceasefire with the newly established Provisional Government of the Philippines at the Mt. Data Hotel, in Bauko, Mountain province on September 13, 1986. The agreement between the two sides was called the 1986 Mount Data Peace Accord. Corazon Aquino administration (1986–1992) Release of Political Prisoners and "resurfacing" of activists After Ferdinand Marcos was deposed during the 1986 EDSA Revolution, president Corazon Aquino ordered the release of political prisoners, Buscayno ceased activities related to the CPP-NPA Mendiola massacre and cessation of peace talks Preliminary peace talks were held between the new administration and the CPP–NPA–NDF, but these ended when the Mendiola massacre took place on January 22, 1987. This effectively ended dialogue between the CPP–NPA–NDF throughout the rest of Corazon Aquino's administration. and because of social pressures arising from the Asian Financial Crisis that year. Ramos administration (1992–1998) Repeal of the 1957 Anti-Subversion Act A breakthrough in the peace process between the Government of the Philippines and the Communist Party of the Philippines took place on October 11, 1992, when Republic Act (RA) 1700 – the 1957 Anti-Subversion Act – was repealed by RA 7636 and the government declared a policy of amnesty and reconciliation. This was quickly followed by the Hague Joint Declaration of September 1, 1992, in which the Government of the Philippines and the Communist Party of the Philippines (through the National Democratic Front) agreed to work towards formal negotiations and "a just and lasting peace." Formation of the MLPP-RHB (1998) In 1998, a group which operates mainly in Central Luzon broke away from the Communist Party of the Philippines, taking up a Marxist-Leninist ideology instead of the CPP's Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. This became the Marxist–Leninist Party of the Philippines which soon initiated conflict with the Philippine government through its armed wing, the Rebolusyonaryong Hukbong Bayan (RHB). The conflict is still ongoing, although incidents covered in the media focus more on incidents arising from the rivalry between RHB and NPA. Benigno Aquino III administration (2010–2016) Several efforts to move forward with peace talks between the Government of the Philippines and the CPP, NDFP, and NPA were initiated throughout the administration of President Benigno Aquino III, with the government of the Kingdom of Norway providing support to the peace negotiations as a third-party facilitator. Duterte administration (2016–2022) In the State of the Nation Address by President Rodrigo Duterte which happened in July 2016, Duterte declared a unilateral ceasefire to the leftist rebels. Due to this declaration, the peace talks between the government and the NDF resumed in August 2016. The peace talks were carried out in Oslo, Norway. In February 2017, the CPP–NPA–NDF declared that it would withdraw from the ceasefire, effective on February 10, 2017, due to the unfulfilled promise by the government that it would release all 392 political prisoners. After the communists killed three of their soldiers, the government also withdrew from the ceasefire. The peace talks were informally terminated and an all-out war was declared by the AFP. In March 2017, the government announced a new truce and the resumption of peace talks, to take place in April. The fifth round was planned to take place in June. However, on December 5, 2017, President Rodrigo Duterte declared the CPP and NPA as terrorist organizations after several attacks by the NPA against the government. The NDFP, the political wing of the communist rebellion was not included on the proclamation. In order to centralize all government efforts for the reintegration of former communist rebels, President Duterte signed Administrative Order No. 10 on April 3, 2018, creating the Task Force Balik Loob which was placed in charge in centralizing the Enhanced Comprehensive Local Integration Program (E-CLIP) of the Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG), and the Payapa at Masaganang Pamayanan (PAMANA) program of the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP). As of December 30, 2019, the Task Force reported over 10,000 former CPP-NPA rebels and supporters who have returned to the fold of the law and availed of E-CLIP benefits, which include PHP65,000.00 cash assistance, livelihood training, housing benefits, among others. On December 4, 2018, President Rodrigo Duterte signed Executive Order No. 70, which institutionalized a "whole-of-nation approach" in attaining an "inclusive and sustainable peace" to help end the decades-long communist insurgency, while also forming the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) which was directed to ensure the efficient and effective implementation of the approach. This order further intensified the Philippine government's campaign against the insurgency, with the Armed Forces of the Philippines alleging 11,605 rebels and supporters surrendering to the government, with 120 rebels being killed and 196 more arrested in military operations from January 1 to December 26, 2018. Marcos Jr. Administration (2022–present) Under the administration of President Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr., peace talks have restarted with aims to end the conflict. On November 22, 2023, Marcos Jr. granted amnesty to many political prisoners and former rebels under the aim of "reconciliation," noting that this amnesty covered those who committed crimes "in pursuit of political beliefs." It would not grant amnesty to those guilty of war crimes, kidnapping for ransome, rape, or "other gross violations of human rights." Between 2023 and early 2024, talks weakened, as NPA forces and the military continued skirmishing. Despite the Philippine government claiming on March 2, 2025 that the NPA was defeated in Bukidnon, 100 NPA rebels clashed with the army in Bukidnon with an FA-50 fighter jet also going missing two days later. The two pilots in the jet were later found and confirmed dead. In August and September 2025, the NPA attacked multiple army outposts in northern Philippines, killing 3 and injuring 3 more in an attack near Ligao City. While in Northern Negros on September 3–4, the NPA attacked military assets, and seized arms and ammunition. While on September 4, in South Central Negros three soldiers were wounded in an ambush. The armies response to the ambush resulted in 480 people being forced to evacuate the area. ==Support to the NPA from other countries==
Support to the NPA from other countries
China provided support to the NPA from 1969 to 1976. After that period, the Chinese ceased all aid, resulting in a five-year period of reduced activity. Despite the setback, the rebellion rekindled with funds from revolutionary taxes, extortion and large scale foreign support campaigns. Both the CPP and NPA attempted to garner support from the Workers' Party of Korea, the Maoist factions of the Palestinian Liberation Organization, Japanese Red Army, Sandinista National Liberation Front, Communist Party of El Salvador, Communist Party of Peru, and the Algerian military. Financial aid, training, and other forms of support were received from a number of the above. NDF-controlled trading companies were allegedly set up in Hong Kong, Belgium, and Yugoslavia. At the same time the Communist Party of the Philippines formed a unit in the Netherlands and sent representatives to Germany, France, Italy, Greece, Ireland, United States, Sweden, and various parts of the Middle East. Despite the massive amount of aid previously received, foreign support eventually dried up following the fall of the Iron Curtain. ==Peace process==
Peace process
Based on the records of the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process, the Government of the Philippines and the CPP–NPA–NDF had engaged in over 40 rounds of peace talks by November 2017. Under Corazon Aquino The first peace talks between the government and the CPP–NPA–NDF took place in the opening months of the Corazon Aquino administration, with formal discussions taking place from August to December 1986. Some of these elements were politicians who had been against Marcos, but had nonetheless come from the landholding elite class. Yet others, linked with the political right (such as the members of the Reform the Armed Forces who had inadvertently played a part of the civilian-led People Power revolution), actively pressured the Aquino administration not to have peace talks with the CPP–NPA–NDF. The CPP itself had effectively alienated itself from positions of influence in the new government because they had chosen to boycott the 1986 Philippine presidential election, and had no political presence at the People Power revolution that ensued – a decision the CPP later considered a "tactical error." This political tension was in the background on January 22, 1987, when a group of farmers marched to Malacañang in protest for the government's slow action on land reform. The farmers were fired upon, killing at least 12 and injuring 51 protesters. Peace talks ceased and did not resume until after Corazon Aquino's term as president. Under Benigno Simeon Aquino III Peace talks resumed soon after Benigno Simeon Aquino III became president and the armed forces intensify their efforts at security sector reform. But talks soon break down when the NDF demands the end of Oplan Bayanihan and of the government's conditional cash transfer program (4Ps), which the government did not agree to do. Under Rodrigo Duterte Upon ascending to power in 2016, the Duterte administration started by proposing an accelerated peace plan for talks with the CPP–NPA–NDF. However, it reversed course in February 2017, canceling JASIG, and declared all-out-war on the CPP–NPA–NDF. Further efforts at peace talks were made but these also broke down as the Duterte administration became characterized by Extrajudicial Killings linked to its war on drugs. ==Activity in specific regions and provinces==
Activity in specific regions and provinces
Samar Since the early stages of the rebellion, the island of Samar has been considered to be NPA's main stronghold. While Samar represents 2% and 4.47% of the Philippine population and territory respectively, 11% of all NPA related incidents have taken place on the island. Samar's terrain consists of densely forested mountainous areas, providing fertile ground for conducting guerrilla warfare. • Zamboanga Peninsula (Region IX) – June 14, 2022 • Davao (Region XI) – October 2022 ;Provinces & Independent Cities • Cavite – December 4, 2018 • Romblon – February 21, 2019 • Davao Occidental – June 16, 2022 • Tarlac – June 23, 2023 • Palawan – September 1, 2023 • Nueva Vizcaya – January 24, 2024 • Southern Leyte - May 5, 2026 • Davao City – March 24, 2022 ==See also==
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