Historical origins and development of the saga Behind
Nibelungenlied stands a large oral tradition, the so-called
Nibelungen saga. This oral tradition, moreover, continued to exist following the composition of the
Nibelungenlied, as proven by the
Rosengarten zu Worms and
Das Lied vom Hürnen Seyfrid, both of which were written later than the
Nibelungenlied but contain elements of the saga that are absent in it. These oral traditions have, at least in some cases, a historical core. However, various historical events and figures have been melded together into a single plot in such a way that the original historical context has been lost. The epic, and presumably the oral traditions that provided its material, have transformed historical events into relatively simple narrative schemas that can be compared with other, similar (originally) oral narratives from other cultures. What had originally been political motivations have been "personalized", so that political events are explained through personal preferences, likes, dislikes, and feuds rather than purely by
realpolitik. Various historical personages, moreover, appear to be contemporaries in the poem despite not having lived at the same time historically. The Nibelungen saga also seems to have had an early reception in Scandinavia, so that parallel stories are found among the
heroic lays of the
Poetic Edda (written down in 1270 but containing at least some much older material) and in the
Völsunga saga (written down in the second half of the thirteenth century). While the Norse texts were once usually considered to contain a more original version of the Nibelungen saga, newer scholarship has called this into question and notes that the connections made to
Norse mythology and
Germanic paganism, such as the semi-divine origin of the Nibelungen hoard, are likely more recent developments that are therefore unique to the Scandinavian tradition. Some elements of the Norse tradition, however, are assuredly older. The death of the Burgundians finds its origins in the destruction of the historical
Burgundian kingdom on the Rhine. This kingdom, under the rule of king
Gundaharius, was destroyed by the Roman general
Flavius Aetius in 436/437, with survivors resettled in eastern
Gaul in a region centered around modern-day
Geneva and
Lyon (at the time known as
Lugdunum). The
Lex Burgundionum, codified by the Burgundian king
Gundobad at the end of the sixth century, contains many names that can be connected with the Nibelungen saga, including, besides Gundaharius,
Gislaharius (Giselher), Gundomaris (possibly the historical figure behind the Old Norse Gothorm, who is replaced by Gernot in the German tradition), and
Gibica (attested in Germany as Gibich but not found in the
Nibelungenlied). Although the Burgundian kingdom on the Rhine is thus historically attested, the saga locates its destruction at the court of
Attila (Etzel), king of the
Huns. The destruction of Attila's kingdom itself is likely inspired by Attila's sudden death following his wedding in 453, which was popularly blamed on his wife, a Germanic woman named
Hildico. Her name, containing the element
hild, may have inspired that of Kriemhild. Kriemhild most likely originally killed Etzel and avenged her relatives rather than her husband, but this change had already taken place some time before the creation of the
Nibelungenlied. Jan-Dirk Müller doubts that we can be certain which version is more original given that in both cases Kriemhild brings about the destruction of the Hunnish kingdom. The differences may be because the continental saga is more favorable to Attila than the Norse, and so Attila could not be held directly responsible for the treacherous invitation of the Burgundians. Unlike the Burgundians, Siegfried cannot be firmly identified with a historical figure. He may have his origins in the
Merovingian dynasty, where names beginning with the element
Sigi- were common and where there was also a famous and violent queen
Brunhilda (543–613). The feud between this historical Brunhilda and the rival queen
Fredegund may have provided the origin of the feud between Brünhild and Kriemhild. The name
Siegfried itself is a relatively recent one, only being attested from the seventh century onward, meaning that the original name may have been equivalent to the Old Norse
Sigurd. Scholars such as Otto Höfler have speculated that Siegfried and his slaying of the dragon may be a mythologized reflection of
Arminius and his defeat of the Roman legions in the
Battle of the Teutoburg Forest in 9 AD. Jan-Dirk Müller suggests that Siegfried likely has a more mythological origin. The story of the destruction of the Burgundians and Siegfried appear to have been originally unconnected. The Old Norse
Atlakviða, a poem likely originally from the ninth century that has been reworked as part of the
Poetic Edda, tells the story of the death of the Burgundians without any mention of Sigurd (Siegfried) and can be taken as an attestation for an older tradition. In fact, the earliest attested work to connect Siegfried explicitly with the destruction of the Burgundians is the
Nibelungenlied itself, though Old Norse parallels make it clear that this tradition must have existed orally for some time.
The Nibelungenlied-poet's reworking of the saga When composing the
Nibelungenlied, its poet was faced with setting an oral tradition down into a definitive version although that tradition was by its very nature amorphous. In choosing which elements of the saga to include in his version, the poet therefore often incorporated two versions of an event that were likely not combined in the oral tradition. An example is the beginning of the fighting in Etzel's hall, which is motivated both by an attack on the Burgundians' supplies and Hagen's killing of prince
Ortlieb. The Old Norse
Thidrekssaga, which is based on German sources, contains only the second element, meaning that the two motivations were likely variants that were hardly ever combined in practice. Victor Millet concludes that the poet deliberately doubles the motivations or occurrences of various events, including Siegfried's wooing of Kriemhild, the deception of Brünhild, Hagen's humiliation of Kriemhild, and Kriemhild's demand for the return of Nibelungen treasure. The poet also appears to have significantly altered various aspects of the saga. Most significantly, the poet has suppressed the mythological or fantastical elements of Siegfried's story. When these elements are introduced, it is in a retrospective tale narrated by Hagen that reduces the slaying of the dragon to a single stanza. Hagen's story, moreover, does not accord with Siegfried's youth as the narrator of the
Nibelungenlied has portrayed it, in which he receives a courtly education in
Xanten. More elaborate stories about Siegfried's youth are found in the
Thidrekssaga and in the later heroic ballad
Das Lied vom Hürnen Seyfrid, both of which appear to preserve German oral traditions about the hero that the
Nibelungenlied-poet decided to suppress for their poem. The portrayal of Kriemhild, particularly in the first half of the romance, as a courtly lady is likely an invention of the
Nibelungenlied-poet. Earlier (and many later) attestations of Kriemhild outside of the
Nibelungenlied portray her as obsessed with power and highlight her treachery to her brothers rather than her love for her husband as her motivation for betraying them. The poet still uses images from this traditional picture, but given the new motivation of the poem's Kriemhild, their meaning has changed. For instance, when Kriemhild demands that Hagen give back what he has taken from her, a traditional motif known from the Norse versions, she could mean the stolen hoard, but she could also mean her murdered husband. Hagen, similarly, in demanding that Gunther first be killed before he reveals the hoard's location, even though the hoard is at the bottom of the Rhine and cannot be retrieved, reveals Kriemhild's mercilessness while also showing his own duplicity. It is unclear which figure is in the right and which in the wrong. ==Medieval influence and reception==