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Autism in psychoanalysis

In psychoanalysis, the concept of autism is closely linked to the term autoeroticism, which was adopted by Sigmund Freud from the physician and sexologist Havelock Ellis. While Freud developed the concept of "autoeroticism" within the framework of psychoanalysis, the sexual connotations of the term were rejected by psychiatrist Eugen Bleuler, who coined the term "autism" through abbreviation and contraction. This term was later adopted by Leo Kanner in 1943 and 1944, and by Hans Asperger. Autism and childhood psychosis were rediscovered in the United States during the 1950s within the framework of Freudian orthodoxy, notably through the work of Margaret Mahler. Psychoanalytic studies, particularly by Anglo-Saxon post-Kleinian analysts such as Frances Tustin, Donald Meltzer, and Donald Winnicott, followed. Bruno Bettelheim holds a distinctive place in this history. In France, influenced by the theories of Jacques Lacan, autism was notably explored by psychoanalyst Françoise Dolto.

1907–1944: Between sexology, psychoanalysis, and psychiatry
, who introduced the concept of autoeroticism The concept of autism emerged through evolving perspectives in psychoanalysis and psychiatry, stemming from the notion of autoeroticism developed by Sigmund Freud, who never directly addressed autism. Freud adopted the term "autoeroticism" from physician and sexologist Havelock Ellis, but psychiatrist Eugen Bleuler rejected its sexual connotations, coining "autism" by abbreviating and contracting "autoeroticism" (removing "eroticism"). From Freudian autoeroticism to autism by Bleuler, Kanner, and Asperger The concept of autism originated at the Burghölzli Psychiatric Clinic in Zurich, directed by Eugen Bleuler, who coined the term "autism". Bleuler's rejection of the psychoanalytic emphasis on sexual drives in Freud's concept of autoeroticism, contrasted with his preference for "ipsism" in psychiatry, distinguished psychoanalytic and child psychiatric approaches. while Hans Asperger presented a report in 1944 on "autistic psychopathy in childhood". Freud, Jung, Bleuler The term "autism" (from Greek autos, meaning "self") was coined by Swiss psychiatrist Eugen Bleuler and first appeared in a 13 May 1907 letter from Carl Gustav Jung to Sigmund Freud. According to Jacques Hochmann, Bleuler, familiar with Freud's theories, clarified that autism approximated Freud's autoeroticism but sought to distance it from Freud's broad sexual framework to avoid misinterpretations. Tasked by Bleuler to engage with Sigmund Freud, Jung, initially aligned with Freud, parted ways around 1911–1913, partly due to theoretical disagreements over libido in dementia praecox. Jung argued that Freud's drive-based libido theory failed to explain dementia praecox, while Freud was developing his 1914 work Introducing Narcissism. In psychoanalysis, narcissism is defined as a necessary developmental stage transitioning from autoeroticism to object love. Kanner: Early infantile autism , a child psychiatrist, described early infantile autism. In 1943, Leo Kanner adopted the term "autism" to describe "early infantile autism", a syndrome involving impaired communication, social behavior, and cognitive functions. French child psychiatrist and psychoanalyst Didier Houzel notes that psychoanalytic research has significantly advanced the understanding of early psychic development. Jacques Hochmann notes that by the early 1960s, an anti-psychoanalytic movement emerged in the United States. The decline of psychoanalysis in public opinion and psychiatry was compounded by the fragility of American Freudianism, as noted by Élisabeth Roudinesco and Michel Plon. Neuropathologist Manuel F. Casanova and his team highlight that Bernard Rimland, a psychologist and father of an autistic child, collaborated with Kanner to challenge psychoanalytic dominance. In 1964, Rimland published a manifesto debunking psychoanalytic ideologies and documenting genetic causes of autism, founding the Autism Society of America in 1965. Asperger's report and its legacy In 1944, Hans Asperger presented a report in Vienna on "autistic psychopathy in childhood" (Die Autistischen Psychopathen im Kindesalter), which remained obscure for four decades. According to Élisabeth Roudinesco and Michel Plon, Asperger described a "high-functioning autism" characterized by intact language and exceptional memory, exemplified by the character Raymond Babbitt in the 1988 film Rain Man. Asperger's report discussed autistic psychopathy, later termed high-functioning autism and Asperger syndrome. Rediscovered in the late 1970s by Lorna Wing, a psychiatrist and parent of an autistic child, it was translated into English by Uta Frith and published in 1981. Paul Alerini notes the emergence of a global "Asperger community" and a growing list of notable individuals identified with the condition. == From the 1950s: Anglo-Saxon psychoanalysis and autism ==
From the 1950s: Anglo-Saxon psychoanalysis and autism
The Anglo-Saxon approach to autism emerged shortly after Leo Kanner's 1943 description of early infantile autism and Hans Asperger's 1944 report in Vienna. Margaret Mahler: The "normal autistic phase" of infancy Margaret Mahler’s work on symbiotic psychosis represents the Annafreudian approach. During this phase, the infant is highly focused on interoceptive and proprioceptive sensations. However, post-Kleinians questioned Klein's assumption of an innate ego when addressing phenomena like echolalia and echopraxia in autistic children. • Abnormal primary autism: No differentiation between the child’s body, the mother’s, and the external world. • Secondary encrusted autism (similar to Kanner’s autism): The lack of differentiation between the child’s ego and the mother is replaced by an overemphasis on difference, creating an autistic barrier as a protective shell against the external world. • Secondary regressive autism or childhood schizophrenia: Development begins normally but regresses, with the child retreating into a rich, body-sensation-focused fantasy life. Élisabeth Roudinesco and Michel Plon note that Tustin viewed this as a form of schizophrenia underpinned by projective identification. Tustin's work, devoted to understanding the autistic child's bewildering world, promoted a psychodynamic theory of autism caused by poor mother-child relationships, later disproven. Donald Meltzer Donald Meltzer, a colleague of Melanie Klein and Wilfred Bion who taught at the Tavistock Clinic for over 20 years, contributed significantly to autism research, building on Klein's object relations and Esther Bick’s concept of the skin-ego. He proposed that autistic individuals experience their bodies intensely and may perceive others’ projections as intrusive, disrupting their access to the external world. Bruno Bettelheim: A "personal" approach to autism Bruno Bettelheim, a self-taught educator and philosopher identifying as a psychotherapist, has a controversial status as a psychoanalyst. Drawing on his traumatic internment at Dachau, he proposed an extreme method to counter autism, which he likened to a destructive environment: “If a harmful environment can destroy personality, a particularly favorable one should rebuild it.” in Chicago, Illinois, where Bruno Bettelheim developed his autism treatment method. Bettelheim, the first to advocate for autonomy and against institutional neglect of autistic individuals, held a complex and marginal position. At the Orthogenic School, he focused on education and institutional psychotherapy rather than strict psychoanalysis, adapting it freely in a way that paradoxically contradicted psychoanalytic principles. Influenced by John Dewey, Maria Montessori, and Jean Piaget, Bettelheim emphasized an educational over a therapeutic approach. Historian Jonathyne Briggs notes that while his theories were increasingly sidelined in the United States for neuroscience and behavioral psychology, they gained traction in France, where psychoanalysis dominated childhood psychosis treatment. Dominique Bourdin suggests that some psychoanalysts’ defense of Bettelheim’s theories fueled opposition from French parent associations, sometimes aggressively, against psychoanalytic approaches to autism. These theories were gradually abandoned in France. However, Jean-Noël Trouvé notes that in 2015, they persisted in some "hardcore" psychopathology circles. Criticism of Bettelheim since the 1980s Bettelheim's theory posited that autism resulted from a lack of parental, particularly maternal, love. His methods, involving separating children from their families and blaming mothers as "pre-morbid" and "death-dealing", drew significant criticism. Richard Pollak’s article, republished in Le Livre noir de la psychanalyse, and Agnès Fombonne’s work highlighted the violence of his practices and their role in guilt-tripping mothers. Bettelheim and his Orthogenic School colleagues claimed to "cure autism", attributing positive outcomes in half their cases to their methods. Autistic advocate Michelle Dawson analyzed the shift in stigma from parents to autistic individuals in her essay ''Bettelheim's Worst Crime'', stating: “We’ve moved from the ‘refrigerator mother’ to the ‘autistic poltergeist’. Once blamed by Bettelheim as the cause of autism, parents are now seen as heroic victims. Leveraging society’s leniency toward heroes and martyrs, parents have evaded accountability to autistics, controlling research and public agendas. A catastrophic view of autism makes scrutiny of parental claims unlikely and deemed reprehensible.” 1970s shift in the United States: Decline of psychoanalytic theories and rise of savant autism In the 1970s, Laurent Mottron describes the onset of the “scientific period of autism”. Psychoanalytic theories, highly influential in child psychiatry early in the 20th century, experienced a "spectacular reversal". The psychodynamic hypothesis was abandoned, the DSM was revised to re-medicalize psychiatry, and the rise of cognitive science drove this shift. Psychoanalysts Myriam Perrin and Gwénola Druel-Salmane note that a new signifier, intelligence, became associated with autism. In 1971, Leo Kanner reported that three children from his 1943 study achieved autonomy by leveraging their "obsessionality" practically. The discovery of savant autism overturned the Anglo-Saxon psychoanalytic view of autism as severely deficient, previously described as cases of "idiot savants" or "cured" autistic children with high intellectual potential (e.g., Tustin, 1972). == Autism in psychoanalysis today: Situation and controversies ==
Autism in psychoanalysis today: Situation and controversies
Criticism of the psychoanalytic approach Criticism of psychoanalytically inspired "treatment" According to Casanova et al., the application of psychoanalytic theories, which often advocate for family separation, has exposed autistic children to interventions that can be distressing. Steve Silberman cites the example of one of Ole Ivar Løvaas's autistic patients, who experienced both the consequences of interpreting self-harming behaviors through a psychoanalytic lens (parental separation and attribution of behavior to internalized guilt) and the application of early Applied behavior analysis (ABA), which used punishment to stop self-harm. Psychoanalytic practice has historically viewed autism as an affective disorder requiring exclusively psychiatric intervention, sidelining other potential causes, such as genetic research. This exclusivity in treatment approaches over decades led to severe criticism from the Haute Autorité de santé (French National Authority for Health) on 6 March 2012. Historian Richard Bates (2018) argues that France's lag in respecting the fundamental rights of autistic individuals—such as access to education, independent living, and diagnosis—is due to the influence of psychoanalysis, particularly the theories of Jacques Lacan and Françoise Dolto. Criticism of the application of psychoanalytic theories The concept of autism has faced significant shifts in clinical acceptance within psychiatry, fluctuations in psychoanalytic conceptions, and conflicts between practitioners and parents, culminating in France with political intervention by the Haute Autorité de santé. Three intertwined issues have sparked intense controversy in the transition from theory to application: Internationally, autism is no longer classified as a psychosis but as a neurodevelopmental disorder. However, some French psychoanalysts argue that "there is neither clinical nor theoretical evidence to consider autism outside the scope of early psychoses." Bishop and Swendsen emphasize that autistic children are "defenseless against the analyst’s interpretation of their thoughts and motivations," which lack scientific validation. She concludes that adherence to Tustin's theories has led to "misconceptions of successful therapeutic outcomes." These separations caused significant suffering for autistic children and their families. In France, the Rachel affair is described by Christine Philip as emblematic of abusive placements justified by psychoanalytic frameworks, as "professionals in key positions are predominantly trained in the psychoanalytic approach, leading to significant difficulties for families." From theory to etiology (criticism) British clinical psychologist Thomas Richardson, citing Peter Hobson (2005), notes that many early psychoanalysts believed autism was psychogenic, a view that persists in some psychoanalytic approaches. Donald Meltzer (1975) proposed an etiological model based on the dismantling of the ego, suggesting autistic children fragment their sense of self across different senses, impairing their perception of the world. In 1906, Carl Jung suggested an indeterminate causality, possibly involving metabolic factors or organic brain predispositions. In 1943, Leo Kanner described autism as an innate "autistic disturbance of affective contact," though he also contributed to the narrative blaming mothers. On Kanner's "refrigerator mother" theory and its legacy Leo Kanner described autism as a disease akin to phenylketonuria, characterized by an "innate disturbance of communication." By 1958, Yale University's autism treatment unit was dominated by psychoanalytic teachings. Neurologist Mary Coleman suggests Kanner was influenced by the antifeminist aspects of psychoanalytic theory, leading to a strong bias against mothers. The "refrigerator mother" theory became closely associated with psychoanalytic approaches, particularly in France. This theory lacks empirical support, as demonstrated by Allen et al. (1971), which found no psychological differences between parents of autistic or intellectually disabled children and control groups. The theory fueled parental activism in the 1980s and 1990s, with media amplifying their revolt. The 2002 documentary Refrigerator Mothers highlighted the emotional scars inflicted on mothers post-diagnosis, spurring further activism against psychoanalytic approaches. However, Bishop and Swendsen, commenting on a 2020 article by Didier Houzel, argue that claiming psychoanalysis does not blame parents is disingenuous, as the role of parents, especially mothers, as causal factors remains central to French psychoanalytic work with children. Debates on the effectiveness of psychoanalysis In 2004, psychotherapist Paula Jacobsen's comparative study concluded that psychoanalytic approaches were ineffective for Asperger syndrome. In 2008, Thomas Richardson compared psychoanalytic and cognitive approaches, noting that neither can claim to cure autism, though cognitive approaches show greater potential for improving outcomes. The Haute Autorité de santé’s March 2012 report found the efficacy of psychoanalysis for autism "unproven," classifying psychoanalytic approaches and institutional psychotherapy as "non-consensual global interventions" due to a lack of efficacy data and divergent opinions. Since then, three studies have supported the efficacy of psychoanalytically inspired approaches for autistic children, cited below (Thurin, Cornet, Touati). Psychoanalyst Sébastien Ponnou described the methodology as rigorous, meeting the American Psychological Association’s standards for intensive case studies. The study reported significant reductions in autistic behaviors, improved developmental skills, and enhanced intrapsychic functioning, suggesting increased emotional security and better engagement with the world. However, Franck Ramus criticized the study for methodological flaws, including the lack of a control group and conflicts of interest, arguing it would not meet the standards of an international psychiatric journal. A 2017 study in L’Évolution psychiatrique evaluated a Lacanian institutional approach at La Coursive in Liège, Belgium, involving 24 autistic children (average age: 7 years, 5 months). After two years, significant progress was reported in communication, autonomy, motor skills, and socialization, though no control group was included. A third study (2016), also without a control group, examined a psychoanalytically oriented eclectic pediatric psychiatry practice in Paris's 13th arrondissement. Among 138 patients diagnosed with pervasive developmental disorders, 62% were classified as having "predominantly psychotic functioning," and 38% as "predominantly autistic." After an average treatment duration of 4.3 years, 20.8% showed highly positive outcomes, 39.6% positive, 30.2% moderate to low, and 9.4% no significant progress. The authors deemed these results "excellent" compared to other methods. Tony Charman (King's College London) stated there is "no evidence for a psychoanalytic approach in treating young autistic children." Theoretical and social confrontation A battle for autism exists internationally. It involves organized movements with dogmatic boundaries, though these may be more permeable than they appear. Sociologist Lise Demailly describes the controversy as a cultural specificity of France. In France, the debate is often oversimplified as a binary opposition between CBT and psychoanalysis, though it involves broader actors, including autistic self-advocates. French psychiatrist-psychoanalysts face strong criticism and disavowal from public authorities. In 2019, Claire Compagnon, overseeing the Fourth Autism Plan, declared on Public Sénat that "psychoanalysis is not a therapeutic approach for autism." Demailly notes that psychoanalysts continue to produce significant intellectual output, though not in "scientific" journals. Since 2005, the French Psychiatric Federation requires alignment with international standards (ICD-10) alongside CFTMEA. Autism is widely covered in French literature, including parental testimonies, autobiography, fiction, and comics. Notable works addressing psychoanalysis and autism include Laurent Savard's Gabin sans limites (2018) and the comic Le psychanalyste parfait est un connard (2016). In 2016, Psychologies Magazine editor Arnaud de Saint Simon defended psychoanalysis in an editorial. Parent associations Historian Jonathyne Briggs notes that French parents, especially mothers, initially collaborated with professionals, including those using psychoanalytic approaches, but later resisted as they were blamed for their children’s conditions. Demailly highlights that most French parent associations denounce mistreatment by psychiatrists, psychoanalysts, and the state. Valérie Lödchen, former director of AFG Autisme, described it as using reductio ad absurdum to highlight the disconnect between psychoanalytic discourse and scientific knowledge. The documentary critiques the psychoanalytic orientation of French psychiatrists, attributing it to deficiencies in autism care and maternal suffering. Its initial ban in January 2012, later overturned, intensified the controversy. Psychoanalyst Alex Raffy notes that autistic autobiographies provide "damning testimonies" of psychoanalytic experiences, describing them as outdated Freudian dogma. Swedish autistic advocate Gunilla Gerland campaigns against psychoanalysis, stating in her 1998 manifesto that many high-functioning autistic individuals found psychoanalytic therapy unhelpful, degrading, or harmful. She describes personal suffering from four years of psychoanalytic therapy due to misinterpretations. Temple Grandin, who avoided psychoanalytic therapy, adopts a purely biological model of autism, rejecting psychodynamic theories. In his autobiography Je suis à l’Est! (2012), Josef Schovanec recounts the "psychoanalytic coldness" and misdiagnosis of schizophrenia during five years of treatment by a prominent Parisian psychoanalyst, leading to neuroleptic-induced apathy. He denounces inappropriate psychoanalytic techniques and compares psychoanalysts to shamans. Hugo Horiot's family resisted psychoanalytic influence, as seen in Françoise Lefèvre’s novel Le Petit Prince cannibale, where a phrase was censored to avoid accusations of incest. Horiot's L’empereur, c’est moi (2013) critiques psychoanalysis, particularly in the chapter "Cannibale toi-même." In Carnets d’un imposteur, he describes psychoanalysis as leaving him "defenseless" during school, with theater serving as his true therapy. In L’autisme expliqué par un autiste (2021), Thibaud Moulas argues that psychoanalysis has had a "catastrophic impact" on autistic lives, citing abusive placements misdiagnosed as psychosis or child abuse, such as the Rachel affair. He notes that French psychoanalyst Michel Botbol claimed in 2015 that Munchausen syndrome by proxy could cause autism, a belief Moulas says remains prevalent. Brigitte Chamak cautions that interpreting autistic testimonies requires context, as some may reflect external influences, such as anti-psychoanalytic parent associations. She cites an autistic individual critical of psychoanalysis yet positive about their own psychoanalytic therapy. Chamak also notes positive testimonies from autistic individuals about psychoanalytic sessions in CMPP or day hospital settings. Josef Schovanec (EHESS) dismisses concerns about autistic communitarianism as a French fantasy, noting that Anglo-Saxon societies do not exhibit such fears. On professionals The distinction between psychiatrist, psychologist, and psychoanalyst is often unclear, and consensus on psychoanalysis is far from unified, particularly regarding autism. From Eugen Bleuler’s rejection of Freud's sexual symbolism in creating the term "autism," strong oppositions and varied perspectives have persisted. He described interventions with infants showing autistic potential, conducted in the presence of parents and sometimes filmed, requiring tact to reconcile families with their child. Melman acknowledged that uncovering repressed issues has provoked organized parental backlash via internet lobbies, which he criticized for their "persecutory and vengeful passion" against psychoanalysis. Mathematician and psychologist Nicolas Gauvrit criticizes psychoanalysts for evading questions of efficacy by shifting discourse to emotional or ethical realms, perpetuating a caricature of human-focused psychoanalysts versus chemical-focused cognitivists. Jacques Van Rillaer denounces Lacanian claims of autism as a "psychosis" and their opposition to cognitive behavioral therapy without empirical validation. Autism and anti-psychoanalysis (perspectives of psychiatrists and psychoanalysts) Neuropsychiatrist and psychoanalyst Paul Alerini (2011) views autism as a signifier in the history of child psychiatry, derived from Eugen Bleuler’s truncation of "autoeroticism." He argues that autism, initially created within psychoanalysis to contrast with infantile psychoses, now opposes it through powerful academic, medical, scientific, and political forces, making autism a "symptom of this reversal." The Comité consultatif national d’éthique noted France's lag in abandoning psychoanalytic theories, unlike other developed countries in the 1980s. Perrin and Druel-Salmane argue that educational approaches like TEACCH are mobilized by anti-psychoanalytic coalitions to "liberate autistics from psychoanalysis," which is deemed archaic from a scientistic perspective. They note that a 1978 work by Rutter and Schopler shifted autism's etiology from environmental to organic causes, though without conclusive evidence. Such organicist views, they argue, deny the autistic individual's voice. According to Jacques Hochmann, cited by Vincent Flavigny, the "great reversal" in autism's history occurred when psychoanalytic and psychopathological approaches, dominant for 30 years, gave way to an organicist perspective and a shift from mental illness to mental disability. "Battle for Autism" in France "Hatred of psychoanalysis" in France: on the film Le Mur (2011) Psychoanalyst and psychiatrist Anna Konrad describes a pervasive "hatred of psychoanalysis" in France, expressed through publications, appeals, blogs, and collectives, amplified by mainstream media. The documentary Le Mur by Sophie Robert, featuring interviews with psychoanalysts, is described as an "audiovisual attack" using satire and deliberate distortion. Psychiatrist Loriane Brunessaux labeled it a "propaganda film" lacking rigor and honesty. Cultural resistance to psychoanalysis Jacques Hochmann argues that the "anti-psychoanalytic violence" of some parents, expressed on Internet forums and in media, can be explained historically and psychologically. He credits early psychoanalysts with attempting to rescue autistic children from segregation and eugenics but acknowledges that "triumphalism, technical errors, and unproven psychogeneticism" caused misunderstandings with parent associations. These were exacerbated by inevitable resistances to psychoanalysis and fears of "child theft," leading to attacks on French child psychiatry. Hochmann criticizes the "sectarian communitarianism" of parent groups advocating behaviorism and their effective lobbying of the Haute Autorité de santé, resulting in the disavowal of psychotherapeutic practices developed in France over half a century. He argues that psychoanalysis is inherently "non-consensual," invoking Sigmund Freud’s notion of a narcissistic injury to humanity. Hochmann claims that few parents criticizing psychoanalysis online have had sustained contact with an "authentic psychoanalyst" providing regular sessions. He suggests their criticisms stem from "fantasmatic dangers," hearsay, or misconceptions about psychoanalysis as a dismissive, guilt-inducing theory they have not studied. == See also ==
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