One simple theory of occupational licensing envisions a costless supply of
unbiased, capable
gatekeepers, and
enforcers. The gatekeepers screen entrants to the occupation, barring those whose skills or character suggest a tendency toward low-quality output. The enforcers monitor
incumbents and discipline those whose performance is below standard with punishments that may include revocation of the license needed to practise. Assuming that entry and performance are controlled in these ways, the quality of service in the profession will almost automatically be maintained at or above standards that are set by the gatekeeper to the
profession. Within this approach, only those who have the funds to invest in
training and the ability to do the work are able to enter the occupation. Introducing
economics to this otherwise mechanical model by noting that a key discipline on incumbents—the threat of revoking one's license—may not mean much if incumbents can easily re-enter the profession, such as by moving to a new firm, or by shifting to an alternative occupation with little loss of income. Since grandfathering (i.e., allowing current workers to bypass the new requirements) is the norm when occupations seek to become
licensed, incumbent workers are usually supportive of the
regulation process. In the absence of grandfathering, lower-skilled workers in the occupation may have to seek alternative employment. For example, if sales skills are the key to both providing licensed sales of
heart monitors and the non-licensed selling of
shoes or
cars, then individuals may shift between these lines of work with little loss of income. Under these circumstances, meaningful
discipline for license holders may require deliberate steps to ensure that loss of license entails significant financial loss. Such additional steps could include the imposition of fines, improved screening to prevent expelled practitioners from re-entering the occupation, or requiring all incumbents to put up capital that would be
forfeited upon loss of the license. To offset the possibility that incumbents could shift to other occupations with little loss of income, entry requirements could be tightened to limit supply and create monopoly
rents within the licensed occupation (
rent-seeking). The threat of losing these
monopoly rents could, in principle, give
incentives to incumbents to maintain
quality standards. This may also result in some increases in human
capital investments in order to attain additional requirements. The rents could also motivate potential entrants to invest in high levels of training in order to gain admittance. This suggests that licensing can raise quality within an industry by restricting supply, raising labor wages, and raising output prices. Increasing prices may signal either enhanced quality due to perceived or actual skill enhancements or restrictions on the supply of regulated workers. State-regulated occupations can use
political institutions to restrict supply and raise the wages of licensed practitioners. There is assumed to be a once-and-for-all income gain that accrues to current members of the occupation who are "grandfathered" in, and do not have to meet the newly established standard. Generally, workers who are "grandfathered" are not required to ever meet the standards of the new entrants. Individuals who attempt to enter the occupation in the future will need to balance the economic rents of the field's increased monopoly power against the greater difficulty of meeting the entrance requirements. Once an occupation is regulated, members of that occupation in a geographic or political
jurisdiction can implement tougher
statutes or examination pass rates and may gain relative to those who have easier requirements by further restricting the supply of labor and obtaining economic rents for incumbents (
credentialism and educational inflation). Restrictions would include raising the pass rate on licensing exams, imposing higher general and specific requirements, and implementing tougher residency requirements that limit new arrivals in the area from qualifying for a license. Moreover, individuals who have finished schooling in the occupation may decide not to go to a particular political jurisdiction where the pass rate is low because both the economic and shame costs may be high. Conversely, efforts can be made at interstate reciprocity, so that a license or a certification earned in one
federated state or province qualifies the holder to practice in any of the other states or provinces of the
federation, which can lower the overall cost and burden of adequately staffing the profession in all regions. For example, high demand and low supply for
nurses or for
teachers, in any particular region, can be alleviated if the
red tape is reduced, as long as that reduction does not truly harm competence and preparedness. A 2020 follow up study by the same authors found that "the magnitude of the effect can only account for a small part of the overall decline in [interstate migration] seen in recent decades." == Criticism ==