When Lewis retired as CIO president in 1940, Murray was elected president as his successor. The CIO absorbed a large amount of UMWA's dues at a time when the ongoing
Great Depression and employer resistance had stalled the influx of new members. Lewis soon broke with
Franklin D. Roosevelt, over the need for war with
Germany and
Japan and with his CIO colleagues over the need for government protection, as embodied by the
National Labor Relations Act. Lewis endorsed
Wendell Willkie for president just 11 days before the 1940 presidential election and secured union members' support for Willkie by threatening to resign as CIO president if union members did not follow him. Despite a Lewis draft at the CIO convention two weeks after the November election,
Sidney Hillman and other CIO leaders pushed for a Murray candidacy. Although Murray had supported Roosevelt in the election, Lewis placed Murray's name into nomination himself. Murray was elected president of the CIO on November 22, 1940.
Formation of USWA Little Steel capitulated to SWOC in the spring of 1941. Walkouts involving tens of thousands of workers and adverse court rulings led to elections at Bethlehem Steel, Youngstown Sheet and Tube, and Inland Steel, and huge majorities voted for the union. Republic Steel quietly signed contracts soon thereafter. SWOC soon had more members than the United Mine Workers, further alienating Murray and Lewis. The victories at Little Steel led Murray to transform SWOC into a real union. SWOC was disbanded at a convention held in
Cleveland, Ohio, on May 22, 1942. A new organization, the United Steel Workers of America (USWA), was founded. Murray was USWA's first president.
David J. McDonald, Murray's long-time aide at SWOC, became the number two man at SWOC, often running the union's day-to-day business. Together, they ran the union in a highly centralized manner that was not very democratic. All dues flowed to the national office in Pittsburgh, and the right to negotiate contracts and conduct job actions was strictly controlled. Such actions were justified, Murray argued, in light of the vigorous resistance to the union displayed by steelmakers.
Reform of CIO Murray took over as president of the CIO, he found the federation in deep financial and organizational distress. He quickly instituted a series of reforms to stabilize it. He collected back dues from members and unions alike, reined in expenses, shuttered or cut off marginal organizing projects and unions, pulled organizers out of unions (who acted more like service representatives than organizers), and slowly ended the organization's dependence on subsidies from the Mine Workers. By November 1941, the CIO had a budget surplus. In late 1941, Lewis submitted a "bill" to the CIO demanding repayment for its five years of subsidies and began speaking to Murray only through intermediaries. The relationship between the two former friends soured quickly. When Murray transformed SWOC into USWA and installed himself as president, Lewis retaliated. On May 25, 1942, he forced the UMWA executive board to remove Murray as vice president and strip him of his union membership.
World War II Murray strongly supported the Roosevelt administration and the war effort during
World War II. He quickly adopted a "no strike pledge" on behalf of all CIO unions, and supported (with
Walter Reuther) the establishment of industry union councils to promote increased production, quicker retooling, and overcoming design problems. To help overcome racial tensions in war plants, Murray established the CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Discrimination (CARD). CARD quickly undertook a discrimination-awareness education program, which proved somewhat effective, at least outside the South. In 1943, Murray advocated making the
Fair Employment Practice Committee a permanent government agency. Murray also served on the National Defense Mediation Board and a number of other government agencies to help promote the war effort.
Post-war strikes and Taft–Hartley In 1945, he attended the
World Trade Union Conference in London alongside many renowned trade unionists. Murray lead the Steelworkers out on strike in 1946. Employers said that they were unable to meet the union's wage demands under existing federal wage and price controls. US President
Harry Truman established a fact-finding board to craft a settlement, eventually approving the price increases sought by business in order to finance the wage increases. The strike, which began in mid-January, was over within a month. Murray had another fight on his hands in 1947 when the Congress enacted the
Taft–Hartley Act over Truman's veto. In July 1943, Murray had established a permanent
political action committee (PAC) within the CIO, the
CIO-PAC, the first-ever PAC in the United States. The CIO's political efforts were only marginally effective. The
Republican Party successfully passed the Taft–Hartley Act despite the vigorous opposition of Murray and the CIO. After the act passed, Murray and the CIO were indicted for violating section 304 of the act, which forbade the expenditure of union funds in federal political campaigns. The CIO had endorsed a candidate for Congress in
Maryland, and the
US Department of Justice prosecuted Murray and the CIO for advertising the fact on the front page of
The CIO News. In
United States v. Congress of Industrial Organizations, the Supreme Court overturned the indictment and found that the publicizing endorsements was not an "expenditure" under the act. Representing Murray was
Lee Pressman. Instead, both Murray and the CIO supported Truman and the Democratic Party. Murray led the USWA through a second successful strike in 1949. Now, the issue was whether employers should bear the entire cost of workers' health benefits and pensions. Once more, the union and the employers sought the assistance of a federal factfinding board, but the board's recommendations did not prevent a strike from beginning on October 1, 1949 and lasting 31 days. Murray won a doubling of the pension benefit, with the employer continuing to pick up the entire cost. The USWA, meanwhile, agreed to pick up only half the cost of a new health and insurance benefit.
1952 steel seizures In 1952, Murray led the USWA in its most famous strike. National wage controls had been reimposed to keep inflation in check during the
Korean War. In November 1951, USWA negotiators asked US Steel for a large 30-cent wage increase, improvement in fringe benefits, and a
closed shop. The company responded that it could not agree without prior government approval of commensurate price increases. Truman referred the dispute to the federal
Wage Stabilization Board (WSB). Murray agreed to delay a planned January 1, 1952 walkout until the Board had made its recommendation. In March, the WSB recommended a 16.5 cent wage increase. US Steel and other steelmakers lobbied Congress, the Pentagon and the defense industry heavily, opposing any wage hike. Congress threatened to overturn any Board agreement, but Truman refused to invoke the Taft–Hartley Act's cooling-off provisions or seek an injunction against the Steelworkers. Instead, on April 8, 1952, President Truman nationalized the American steel industry. The steelmakers sought an injunction preventing the seizure. After a preliminary hearing went in the government's favor, a federal district court judge enjoined the President from seizing the steel mills. The full
Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, sitting
en banc, granted a stay of the injunction pending a decision by the Supreme Court to hear the case. A meeting between USWA and the steelmakers at the
White House on May 3 nearly ended in agreement on a tentative contract, but the Supreme Court accepted the case and so the steelmakers backed out of the pact. On June 2, 1952, Justice
Hugo Black, writing for a 6-3 majority in
Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, ruled that the president lacked the authority to seize the steel mills. The government returned the mills to their owners hours later, and the Steelworkers went on strike for 51 days. The CIO, lacking a strike fund, was unable to help the Steelworkers. J Lewis triumphantly offered the union a $10 million line of credit, which humiliated Murray. Steel supplies finally began to dwindle, and Murray feared the public opinion might turn against the union for impeding the war effort. Truman began preparations to draft the steelworkers into the military under the provisions of Section 18 of the
Selective Service Act of 1948, further weakening Murray's resolve to see the strike through. An agreement was reached on July 24, 1952. The Steelworkers achieved only a limited version of the closed shop. Wages and benefits rose but not as much as the WSB had recommended, but Murray and others considered the strike a terrific win. They had avoided the crippling imposition of a Taft–Hartley injunction and its fines, and Truman had gone to significant lengths to support the union. ==Death==