Proclamation of the French Republic (September 4, 1870)

Tensions with Prussia and the war declaration By May 1870, the Second Empire appeared to be more robust than ever. The French populace expressed overwhelming approval for the liberal reforms initiated by Napoleon III in the May 8 plebiscite, with over 7 million votes in favor. On June 30, the Emperor's Chief of Staff, Émile Ollivier, asserted that "at no other time has the maintenance of peace in Europe been more assured." Upon its arrival in Paris on July 5, this news provoked an uproar. France could not tolerate what seemed like encirclement, similar to the situation during the reign of Charles V, given that Leopold was a cousin of the Prussian king, Wilhelm I. On July 6, from the podium of the , Foreign Minister Agénor de Gramont issued an ultimatum to Prussia. The deputies, subsequently joined by the press and public opinion, supported his position, thereby rendering a military conflict inevitable. expresses his rejection of war with Prussia. The withdrawal of Prince Hohenzollern's candidacy on July 12, 1870, did not reduce tensions. With the support of Empress Eugénie, the ultra-Bonapartist deputies, who were opposed to the liberal regime and the peace advocated by Émile Ollivier, pressured France to demand a written commitment of definitive renunciation and guarantees for the future from the King of Prussia. Despite confirming his cousin's renunciation, Wilhelm I refused to comply with France's demands. Consequently, Napoleon III and Émile Ollivier, who were proponents of peace and the convening of a congress to settle the Franco-Prussian dispute, were drawn into the war. On August 3, the Prussian General Staff, under the direction of Helmuth von Moltke, issued an order for troops to cross the border. Six days later, the French forces were defeated at Frœschwiller-Wœrth and were compelled to retreat. The news of this defeat was met with shock and indignation in Paris. On August 9, an incensed assembly assembled before the . However, most Republicans, still optimistic about a military resurgence, declined to initiate a revolution that would be perceived as a betrayal of the army and a rupture in national unity. The French army's defeat was attributed to Émile Ollivier, who was compelled to resign. Far-left groups attempted to capitalize on the situation, launching attacks on town halls, seminaries, and Jesuit residences. Incidents were documented in Marseille, Toulon, Montpellier, Nîmes, Mâcon, Beaune, Limoges, Bordeaux, and Périgueux, However, these troops were also surrounded in Sedan. Despite valiant efforts to break out, the emperor ultimately surrendered on September 2. == Events (September 3–5, 1870) ==

From the afternoon of September 3 to the night of September 4 Announcement of the defeat to the Empress and ministers’ meeting in the 1860s. On the afternoon of September 3, 1870, Henri Chevreau, the Minister of the Interior, proceeded to the Tuileries Palace to apprise the Empress of the contents of numerous telegrams from mayors and sub-prefects. These telegrams detailed the movements of French soldiers in retreat through various towns in the north and east of France. In the palace corridors, he encountered the Director of Telegraphs, who owned a dispatch in which Napoleon III informed his wife of his capture and the defeat at Sedan. Henri Chevreau delivered the dispatch to the Empress, who promptly decided to convene a Council of Ministers. , President of the . The ministers assembled at 6 p.m. to discuss the gravity of the disaster, yet no decisions were reached regarding the subsequent course of action. The potential of the Empress and a government delegation relocating to a provincial city was contemplated, yet ultimately dismissed due to concerns that it might be perceived as a betrayal by the people of Paris, particularly in light of the Prussian army's advancement towards the capital. The military governor of the capital and his staff engaged in efforts to accelerate the completion of Paris's defensive fortifications throughout the evening and night. Morning of September 4: The fall of the regime under the Second Empire. The news of the French defeat was conveyed to the Palais Bourbon, the seat of the , at the precise moment the Empress received Napoleon III's telegram. A considerable number of deputies congregated around Adolphe Thiers. Despite having been subjected to criticism for his pacifist stance a few weeks earlier, he was now regarded by many as the man who had been sent by Providence. A group of republican deputies, including Jules Favre, Louis-Antoine Garnier-Pagès, Léon Gambetta, Jules Ferry, and Joseph Magnin, approached Thiers to propose the formation of a "provisional national defense committee." This committee would consist of deputies from various political factions, except for Bonapartists. In their view, the humiliating capitulation left the Regent and the government with no alternative but to relinquish power. Only a figure like Thiers, they believed, could unite people under his name. , Count of Palikao. Jules Favre then put forth the proposal of a triumvirate, comprising the President of the Legislative Body, Eugène Schneider; the Minister of War, Charles Cousin-Montauban; and the Governor of Paris, General Trochu. Before their separation, Adolphe Thiers and the five Republicans pledged to convene once more, following the consultation of their respective constituencies on the matter. . In the Palais Bourbon, where a sense of anticipation was palpable, the republican deputies found themselves in a tenuous position. A significant number of politicians rejected the notion of the War Minister's involvement in the prospective government, citing his role in the calamitous events that had transpired. His continued role could incite an insurrection, which they still sought to avoid. Instead of the aforementioned proposal, a unity government was put forth, this time with the inclusion of Bonapartists, as mandated by the Legislative Body. The Orleanist Adolphe Thiers would be the preeminent figure within this government, which would consist of nine members: four republican deputies and four Bonapartist deputies. In light of the reports indicating the resolve of various groups congregated around the Palais Bourbon, it became imperative to convene the Legislative Body during the night to proclaim the transfer of executive authority to the Parisians at dawn. While some deputies sought President Eugène Schneider's consent to convene the session without delay, Léon Gambetta endeavored to reassure the assembly gathered outside the Palais Bourbon. At approximately 11 p.m., the War Minister, Count de Palikao, arrived at the Hôtel de Lassay in a state of considerable agitation. Like other ministers who were present, he censured Schneider for convening the session without first obtaining the Council of Ministers' approval, particularly given that, according to him, no action could be taken without Empress Eugénie's authorization. a three-article motion signed by 27 deputies, which he intended to submit to a vote at the next session: The session was adjourned at 1:20 a.m.; however, everyone understood that, given the government's inertia, it was highly likely that the majority would soon transfer executive power from the regent to a government chosen by the Assembly. As put it: "It was necessary to give Thiers and the liberal Bonapartists time to craft a motion acceptable to the majority." During the Council, the Minister of Agriculture and Commerce, , was the first to propose the use of force, including the declaration of a state of siege, as a means of apprehending republican leaders and thereby quelling any revolutionary movements. This proposal was rejected by the Empress, who was opposed to any use of violence. Subsequently, Eugène Schneider endorsed the proposal put forth by Louis Buffet, a former finance minister, who had drafted a text overnight with the assistance of other deputies. This proposal sought to transfer executive power to a commission elected by the Assembly. Despite the support of Minister , the proposal was not accepted. However, a portion of it was retained. The ministers adopted the idea of a regency council, which would be elected by the Assembly. This council would also appoint a lieutenant general of the council, Count Palikao. Furthermore, the Empress would retain her position within this council. The newspapers had encouraged the public to assemble in large numbers in front of the Assembly to demand the emperor's deposition, and the number of demonstrators continued to grow throughout the morning. However, the crowd did not exhibit aggressive behavior, instead displaying a "euphoric and gently defiant atmosphere." A substantial security contingent, comprising approximately 5,000 personnel (including police officers, gendarmes, and military personnel), was deployed in the vicinity by the head of government, Charles Cousin-Montauban, to guarantee the safety of the deputies. The gravity of the situation was acknowledged, and the three proposals were promptly referred to a commission with the mandate of drafting a text that would garner substantial support. The commission, by a unanimous vote, approved Thiers' text with slight modifications and appointed as its rapporteur. The Chamber then elected a commission composed of five members chosen by the Legislative Body, stating, "Given the circumstances, the Chamber elects a commission composed of five members chosen by the Legislative Body." The commission will be responsible for appointing ministers. Once circumstances permit, the nation will be called upon to elect a Constituent Assembly to decide on the form of government. However, as the commission prepared to return to the chamber, they learned that the palace had been overrun and that no further session could be held there. While the majority of Parisians assembled in front of the palace were driven by concerns or a desire to observe the unfolding events, Blanquists and other revolutionaries mingled with the crowd, aiming to accelerate the collapse of the Empire and finally achieve the popular and egalitarian democracy that had failed in 1848. suggesting that a vote on the emperor's deposition was imminent. Interior Minister Henri Chevreau arrived at the Tuileries with a series of unfavorable developments for the Empress. A recently received dispatch informed him that the Republic had been proclaimed that very morning in Lyon, where the red flag had been raised over the City Hall. Furthermore, he provided an account of the commencement of the incursion into the Palais Bourbon, while indicating to the Empress that a considerable number of Bonapartist deputies were aligning themselves with Adolphe Thiers' motion. Upon his arrival at the Tuileries, Prefect Pietri observed that the crowd was beginning to assemble at the palace gates and that, without using weapons, it would be impossible to prevent an invasion. Empress Eugénie, in a state of acquiescence, concurred with the decision to evacuate the palace. On the morning of September 5, he was responsible for organizing the Empress's escape. Eugénie traveled under the false identity of a sick woman whom her brother, nurse, and doctor were taking to England for treatment. The small group arrived in Deauville on September 7 before embarking the next day on an English yacht at the port of Trouville. The crowd entered the building with great enthusiasm and without any violent behavior. Some revolutionary leaders, spearheaded by , formulated a list of prospective ministers, which they disseminated and had the crowd endorse. Nevertheless, the republican deputies were adamant that a government dominated by extremists was unacceptable. Jules Favre, standing on a bench, had the Republic acclaimed and thereby regained control of the situation. The republican deputies, gathered in a small room overlooking the square, made a series of urgent decisions. Étienne Arago, who enjoyed great popularity, was appointed mayor of Paris. Deputy Ernest Picard drafted, under the supervision of his colleagues, a proclamation that was immediately handed to to be printed and posted as soon as possible: This proposal had the advantage for the republican leaders by allowing them to retain the majority of their deputies in Paris, where they had been elected since 1869. In addition, several of them, including Jules Favre, Jules Ferry, Adolphe Crémieux, Louis-Antoine Garnier-Pagès, and Emmanuel Arago, had been elected as deputies of Paris before choosing a provincial constituency in accordance with the law allowing multiple candidacies. The decisions were rapidly forthcoming. Émile de Kératry was appointed , and assumed control of the telegraphs. The proclamation of the Republic, delivered by Antoine-Léonce Guyot-Montpayroux to the national printing house, where all the workers were absent as they were participating in a demonstration, was eventually printed in the offices of the newspaper La Liberté. It was also transmitted via telegraph to all French regions. The delegation, headed by Jules Grévy and Louis-Antoine Garnier-Pagès, was received by Jules Favre. Meanwhile, several members of the recently appointed government had already proceeded to their respective ministries to ensure that they would be able to assume their duties once their portfolios had been assigned. Adolphe Crémieux had proceeded to the Ministry of Justice intending to draft the act that would dissolve the . However, Jules Favre refrained from informing the delegation members of this. The attempt at reconciliation was futile. Favre informed them that a government delegation would in turn proceed to the Palais Bourbon at 8 p.m. to present their response. Garnier-Pagès, a deputy from Paris, discovered on this occasion that he had also been appointed a minister and separated from the other deputies. At the agreed-upon time, Jules Favre and Jules Simon convene with Adolphe Thiers at the Hôtel de Lassay. As a deputy from Paris, he is also entitled to a position in the government, which he declines. He is designated to preside over the session, during which Favre, after acknowledging the efforts of the Assembly, declares that the formation of the government is a fait accompli, undertaken in the interest of protecting the country. He then requests the ratification of this new government, while emphasizing that a refusal would not affect the situation. Thiers concurred, asserting that it is the obligation of all deputies "to ardently wish" for the success of the new government. Despite objections from some deputies, Thiers concludes the debates by stating, "I protest against the violence we have suffered today. However, in light of the imminent threat posed by the enemy, I believe our sole remaining option is to withdraw with dignity." The session is adjourned at 10 p.m., marking the dissolution of the Legislative Body. Night of September 4–5: Formation of the new government , from top to bottom and left to right: Favre, Trochu, Gambetta, Arago, Crémieux, Rochefort, Picard, Glais-Bizoin, Simon, Garnier-Pagès, Ferry and Pelletan. The inaugural meeting of the new government is scheduled at 10:30 p.m. in the former office of the prefect of the Seine at City Hall. The meeting, which will be presided over by General Trochu, will focus on the distribution of ministries. Ernest Picard asserts his claim to the Ministry of the Interior, a position for which Léon Gambetta had previously self-proclaimed himself earlier in the evening by signing several decrees. Picard exploits this discrepancy to demand a secret ballot, which ultimately substantiates Gambetta's appointment by a narrow margin of one vote. Picard then contemplates relinquishing his position, but under mounting pressure from his colleagues, he ultimately accepts the Ministry of Finance. The remaining appointments are unobjectionable. Jules Favre is appointed to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, where he will serve as Vice President of the Council. Adolphe Crémieux is assigned to the Ministry of Justice, while Jules Simon will oversee the Ministry of Public Instruction. Jules Ferry is appointed government secretary, though he is not assigned a ministerial portfolio, as he is tasked with responsibilities previously held by the prefect of the Seine. General Trochu, who was already serving as both the president of the Council and the military governor of Paris, selected General Le Flô, who was not a Republican but had opposed the December 2, 1851 coup d'état, which resulted in his imprisonment and exile, to serve in the Ministry of War. In Lyon, a working-class city, the crowd invaded the Rhône prefecture as early as 7 a.m. on September 4. Two hours later, a public safety committee of nearly 80 members proclaimed the Republic before raising the red flag in City Hall. Those imprisoned for political reasons in Saint Paul were released, while magistrates, police officers, and the imperial prefect were imprisoned. A general amnesty was declared, and those imprisoned on common charges were also released on the condition that they serve in the military against Prussia. A public safety committee was also convened at the Marseille prefecture in the afternoon of September 4. Meanwhile, in Bordeaux, a city with a long history of Republicanism, the population demonstrated peacefully, and the prefect stepped down voluntarily. By the conclusion of September, civil unrest had commenced in the Antilles as a consequence of the proclamation of the Republic. == The Aftermath of September 4 and the difficult establishment of the Republic ==

Siege of Paris and government delegation to Tours (1870–1871) leaves the capital in a balloon during the siege of Paris (painting by Jacques Guiaud and , 1871, Musée Carnavalet). From its first days, the Government of National Defense is primarily focused on mobilizing all men of fighting age, as the French troops, decimated by the defeat at Sedan and the encirclement of the Rhine army in Metz, must contain the rapid advance of the Prussian troops threatening Paris by mid-September. The new government thus finds itself in an inextricable situation: leading a country at war, partially invaded, and deprived of most of its armed forces, it is acclaimed by Parisians but rejected by much of the provinces. It cannot claim the legitimacy of universal suffrage, thus contradicting the principles it proclaims. The government's initial plan was to hold elections for a Constituent Assembly on October 2 or 16. However, this plan had to be abandoned due to the occupation of numerous government departments by the Prussian army, as well as the mobilization of significant numbers of French troops. These circumstances made it impossible to hold the election. Additionally, the railway network connecting Paris with the provinces was severed on September 18. To circumvent the potential complications of a government under siege in the capital, a delegation of ministers is dispatched to Tours. This is soon followed by the arrival of Léon Gambetta, who successfully departs the capital by balloon on October 7 and reaches Tours two days later. Gambetta, who concurrently holds the Ministries of the Interior and War, vigorously mobilizes, trains, and equips new troops while concurrently addressing the suppression of federalist aspirations in select republican cities in southern France, including Lyon. Republican defeat in the Legislative elections and the Paris Commune (1871) of Adolphe Thiers in 1871. The legislative elections are scheduled on February 8, with the newly elected assembly convening in Bordeaux four days later to select the executive branch responsible for negotiating the peace treaty. The elected Assembly is predominantly monarchist, with the Legitimists and Orleanists holding nearly 400 seats, compared to only 200 Republicans and about 20 Bonapartists. Despite this, the Republic is ratified. Adolphe Thiers is appointed head of the French Republic's executive, and Jules Grévy, a Republican deputy who had refused to join the proclamation of the Republic on September 4, assumes the presidency of the Assembly. The proclamation of the armistice and the success of the monarchists in the elections resulted in the formation of numerous insurrectionary communes throughout France. In Paris, the situation rapidly deteriorated into a civil war between supporters of the Versailles government and the Communards, who refused to acknowledge its authority. Break between Paris and the provinces The Republic is not universally accepted throughout France. On occasion, insurgents who seek to implement a genuine social revolution and are inclined to rival the Parisian government have rejected it. In Lyon, for instance, those of a moderate Republican persuasion constitute a minority. Consequently, Léon Gambetta opts to appoint his friend Paul Challemel-Lacour, a professor of philosophy, as prefect, reasoning that his moral authority will suffice to maintain order. However, Challemel-Lacour encounters considerable opposition from the majority of the recently established local authorities, who challenge his legitimacy. In some instances, due to the dearth of competent and reliable Republican officials, the Minister of the Interior opts to retain imperial prefects and sub-prefects or appoint Orleanists. Other regions exhibit a hostile attitude toward the Republic. This is particularly evident in the departments of western and northwestern France, where Republicans, a minority group, are met with mistrust and concern. In Mâcon, military personnel deployed bayonets to disperse a crowd attempting to seize the prefecture, resulting in one death and multiple injuries. In Cahors, the imperial prefect, with the support of a portion of the population, resisted for two days against local Republicans attempting to remove him. Failure of the Monarchist Restoration and consolidation of the Republic , Legitimist pretender to the French throne. The paradox of a strong monarchist majority in the Assembly does not result in a regime change. Instead, it is the result of divisions between Legitimists and Orleanists, which were further exacerbated by a manifesto published on July 5, 1871, in ''L'Union'' by one of the pretenders to the throne, the Count of Chambord. These divisions jeopardize the . Adolphe Thiers appears to espouse a form of conservative republicanism and can rely on the support of moderate Republicans and Orleanists, thereby forming a center-left coalition in the Assembly. Many of them, such as Deputy Léon Say, hold the view that "a monarchist restoration [...] would only serve to precipitate further revolutions in France." On August 31, 1871, Thiers's authority was further reinforced by the vote on the , which formally conferred upon him the title of President of the Republic and extended his tenure until the establishment of the country's definitive institutions. Following the resignation of Thiers in 1873 and the subsequent election of Patrice de MacMahon, there was a resurgence of interest in the prospect of a monarchist restoration. The government engages in a vigorous campaign against the Republicans, who nevertheless gain ground in each by-election. In consequence, numerous prefects and magistrates were dismissed, mayors and teachers were placed under surveillance, and the press was subjected to rigorous censorship, resulting in the prohibition of over 200 newspapers between 1873 and 1875. The Count of Chambord's indecision ultimately failed the alliance between the right and the restoration. The vote on the constitutional laws of 1875 reinforced the Republic, while the Republican majority grew. Following the crisis of May 16, 1877, the legislative elections substantiated the triumph of the Republican left and parliamentary sovereignty. == Contemporary views ==

recounts her memories. As Éléonore Reverzy, professor of 19th-century literature, has observed, the image of a day of celebration is the predominant account from contemporaries of September 4, 1870. This account depicts the day as a "joyful revolution without barricades or bloodshed." In the aftermath of the humiliating defeat of the emperor at Sedan, most people welcomed the fall of the empire, whose emblems were torn down and destroyed in public buildings. As documented by the writer Juliette Adam, the emperor becomes the focal point of popular discontent during the initial spontaneous demonstrations: A young quartermaster in a battalion of the National Guard, Émile Maury, also bears witness to the iconoclastic acts against imperial symbols: The fervor of this revolutionary day causes the people to overlook the miseries of war and the threat posed by the Prussian invasion, as journalist and dramatic critic Francisque Sarcey states frankly in Le Siège de Paris, 1871. "One had dismissed concerns and apprehensions. Significant matters would be addressed the following day." Engineer Maxime Vuillaume, present in the crowd, retained an emotional memory of the event, which he recounted a few years later in his testimony, . == Historiography and memory ==

Historiography From the 1880s until the First World War, republican historiography maintained a critical stance toward the events of September 4. As many contemporaries were still alive, the accounts constituted a "present history", one whose outcome still engaged the present. The treatment of the event was largely polemical. As Olivier Le Trocquer observed, the central question was whether the protagonists had erred, whether they were culpable or not in terms of public morality, or whether, conversely, gratitude should be extended to them for overthrowing the Empire and seizing power. publishes the first distanced account of the event. The initial account that distanced itself from the event was published in 1921 in the seventh volume of Histoire de la France contemporaine, intitulé ''Du déclin du Second Empire à l'établissement de la IIIe République''. This text was written by Charles Seignobos under the direction of Ernest Lavisse. The publication of the work coincided almost with the fiftieth anniversary of the Republic, which had been celebrated the previous year. It was more in line with commemorating the proclamation than the revolution that led to it. In the 1930s, popular works such as Raymond Recouly's Le Quatre Septembre and 's Le 4 Septembre were published. and the laudatory account by . In the period following the Second World War, the event was seldom referenced. In 1952, identified this date as a significant event in the republic’s history, situating it within an "evolutionary vision of historical progress." However, he did not provide a detailed account or question its supposed significance. "September 4 represents one of the most significant historical dates in our history. It signaled the demise of the monarchical order and the end of personal power. Neither the monarchy nor the Empire would ever return in the alternation of our regimes. "A period had definitively ended. From then on, France would be governed in a republican form." The first significant article dedicated to the event was published by Rémy Gossez in 1952, on the occasion of the 77th Congress of learned societies held in Grenoble. The article's focus was on the preparations for the overthrow of the Empire, with a particular emphasis on the active role played by the National Guard and a rejection of accusations of conspiracy against the republican deputies. Historian denounced the "Republic of the Jules", while philosopher Henri Lefebvre portrayed the events of September 4 as a conflict between the moderate bourgeoisie and the working class. Jean-Pierre Azéma and Michel Winock also criticized the "iconic image" according to which that day, "the republic, like a phoenix rising from its ashes, imposed itself on France to save the homeland." In 1973, , inspired by recent research on the Commune, identified it as the true breakpoint instead of 1870 and adopted the social aspect of the event while downplaying the revolutionary nature of September 4. In the late 20th century, historians such as Maurice Agulhon, , and Éric Anceau observed that this foundational event had been largely forgotten. Anceau even identified the parties responsible for this. "The days of February 1848 and September 4, 1870 […] are pivotal in our contemporary history, as each corresponds to a revolution and marks the rebirth and subsequent establishment of the republic in our country. This regime has remained unchallenged since, except for the period between 1940 and 1944. Nevertheless, for the majority of French citizens, these events evoke at best vague recollections from their schooldays or a sense of curiosity. This is not unexpected. A cursory examination of the curricula of middle and high schools, as well as the content of university courses, reveals that these twenty-three years occupy a negligible portion of the educational landscape. The work of Jean-Yves Mollier and Jocelyne George, La plus longue des Républiques (1994), represents a notable exception, as it did not address the theme of oblivion. Instead, it offered an analysis of the event that included the events that took place in the provinces on that day. In 2017, lawyer and essayist sought to address this lack of awareness and restore September 4 to its rightful place in French history by providing a comprehensive account of the day's events, detailing the sequence of events and their progression over time. In his 2015 study of France's defeat in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, historian Alain Gouttman offered a particularly critical assessment of the revolutionaries of September 4, characterizing the event as a "fraud." He directly accused General Trochu of having favored republican ambitions by deliberately abandoning the defense of the Corps législatif and the Tuileries Palace. Furthermore, he criticized the republicans around Léon Gambetta for acting out of opportunism and a thirst for power rather than in the country's best interest. "To sacrifice everything to ideology in such tragic circumstances, to overthrow a legitimate government in the presence of the enemy after the French armies had been brought to their knees, was a form of betrayal of the true interests of the nation, prioritizing the reasons for civil war over those of foreign war." Alain Gouttman described September 4 as a "disastrous day" from which "the country descended into chaos." 's La Liberté guidant le peuple celebrates the Trois Glorieuses. The day of September 4 follows a similar pattern to that of other major revolutionary days experienced by the country, namely the spontaneous uprising of the people of Paris in the name of liberty, the pressure of the riot on the Assembly or its invasion by the crowd demanding the downfall of the monarch, the formation of a provisional government and the proclamation of the new regime at the Hôtel de Ville with the dual aim of calming the protesters and outmaneuvering the extremists. However, in contrast to previous revolutionary movements, the events of September 4th were preceded by a military debacle and did not emerge from a socio-economic crisis. The revolution resulted in neither deaths nor injuries and led to the establishment of a stable republican regime that remained unchallenged, except for during the Vichy regime during World War II. For this reason, Pierre Cornut-Gentille considered the events of 1830 and 1848 to be "inefficient, violent, and ultimately unsuccessful attempts to enshrine the principles of the Great Revolution or to establish the republic permanently", The absence of victims and barricades led many historians to argue that the proclamation of September 4 could not be classified as a revolution. René Rémond and both argue that the proclamation of September 4 cannot be classified as a revolution. Rémond states that it "can hardly be called a revolutionary day", Opportunism of the Republicans In his essay, notes that before 1870, revolutionaries demonstrated a notable degree of concern for the well-being of their counterparts. The coup d'état was carried out with a high degree of consideration. "Not only was there no gunfire, no barricades, and no bloodshed, but those who seized power expressed remorse, while those who were ousted appeared to protest only for appearances." For an extended period, the moderate Republicans in the pursued a strategy of reassuring the population to seize power through democratic means. For the Republican Party, a revolution would only serve to discredit the new regime and ultimately ensure its demise. However, the sequence of events that transpired on September 4th compelled them to assume control in a manner that was incongruent with their fundamental principles. In his analysis, historian Jacques Julliard posits that the reinforcement of parliamentary authority within a more liberal framework ultimately served the interests of the Republican regime. Julliard further suggests that the Second Empire represented a preparatory phase for the Republic, analogous to the Restoration's role in shaping the representative and parliamentary regime. In both instances, these regimes were on a trajectory towards consolidating power that would ultimately prove unsustainable. For many historians, the advent of the Republic can be primarily attributed to the collapse of the imperial regime, a collapse that was not a result of Republican influence but rather the consequence of the conflict with Prussia and the circumstances surrounding it. Following the Emperor's defeat, the Republican Party emerged as the most viable institution for safeguarding the territorial integrity and national unity of the state. This enabled its leaders to "seize the Republic from its partisans, and even to expel its partisan spirit, to identify it with the nation itself", as the historian has observed. The individuals involved in the event did not seek to commemorate it, and historical texts typically reserve only a brief mention of it. the day of September 4 is mentioned in a brief paragraph of eighteen lines, with only five providing a summary of the key events and thirteen listing the members of the Government of National Defense. This cursory reference is situated within a section designated "The Army of the Loire" in a chapter dedicated to the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, as though it were a trivial occurrence. and La France du XIXe siècle by Francis Démier, published in 2000, are two such works. In his detailed account of this revolutionary day published in 2017, essayist Pierre Cornut-Gentille identifies two exceptions: the work La plus longue des Républiques by Jean-Yves Mollier and Jocelyne George, published in 1994, Similarly, the various Republican governments did not typically commemorate the event. In 1880, the founders of the Third Republic selected July 14 as the date for the national holiday. This date commemorates the storming of the Bastille and the Fête de la Fédération, which was held a year later to celebrate the unity of the nation around the king. This rationale was employed to persuade the monarchist deputies who were opposed to the bill. The date of September 4 was never even referenced during the parliamentary debates preceding this decision. While the leaders of the Third Republic did not celebrate the founding event, it was more frequently commemorated in the provinces, particularly in regions where the Republican vote was strongest and where numerous streets were named after it. In Paris, few locations serve to preserve the memory of the event. On that very day, demonstrators renamed , replacing the previous name, Rue du Dix-Décembre, which had been used to commemorate the election of Prince Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte to the presidency of the Republic in 1848. The relative erasure of September 4 from collective memory can be explained by some factors. For those who lived through this period, the memory of this founding act was overshadowed by the tragic events that preceded and followed it. September 4 was situated within a "terrible year", In a letter written in 1874, Léon Gambetta described the profound sadness that overwhelmed him during his carriage ride to the Hôtel de Ville on that fateful day. "The return of this painful and tragic anniversary invariably engenders a profound sense of melancholy and despondency within me." Furthermore, one of the most enduring images in collective memory from this period is that of Gambetta leaving besieged Paris by balloon. This spectacular and symbolic event embodied the resistance and courage of the Republican government, which the proclamation of September 4 could never achieve. According to historian Francis Démier, the Republic first imposed itself as the of the Second Empire, a victim of a lost war, not of a revolution. == See also ==