, belonging to Rajput caste. According to modern scholars, almost all Rajputs clans originated from
peasant or
pastoral communities. Rajputisation is the study of formation of the community over the centuries. Sivaji Koyal suggests that Rajputisation boosted Brahmanism Anyone from the "village landlord" to the "newly wealthy lower caste
Shudra" could employ
Brahmins to retrospectively fabricate a genealogy and within a couple of generations they would gain acceptance as Hindu Rajputs. This process would get mirrored by communities in north India. Scholars refer to this as "Rajputisation" and consider it similar to
Sanskritisation. This process of generation of the Rajput community resulted in
hypergamy as well as
female infanticide that was common in Hindu Rajput clans. German historian
Hermann Kulke has coined the term "Secondary Rajputisation" for describing the process of members of a tribe trying to re-associate themselves with their former tribal chiefs who had already transformed themselves into Rajputs via Rajputisation and thus claim to be Rajputs themselves.
Stewart N. Gordon states that during the era of the Mughal empire, "Hypergamous marriage" with the combination of service in the state army was another way a tribal family could convert to Rajput. This process required a change in tradition, dressing, ending widow remarriage, etc. Such marriage of a tribal family with an acknowledged but possibly poor Rajput family would ultimately enable the non-Rajput family to become Rajput. This marriage pattern also supports the fact that Rajput was an "open caste category" available to those who served in the state army and could translate this service into grants and power at the local level. Scholars also give some examples of entire communities of Shudra origin "becoming" Rajput even as late as the 20th century.
William Rowe, in his "The new Chauhans : A caste mobility movement in North India", discusses an example of a large section of a Shudra caste – the Noniyas – from
Madhya Pradesh,
Uttar Pradesh and
Bihar that had "become" Chauhan Rajputs over three generations in the Raj era. The more wealthy or advanced Noniyas started by forming the
Sri Rajput Pacharni Sabha (Rajput Advancement Society) in 1898 and emulating the Rajput lifestyle. They also started the wearing of
sacred thread. Rowe states that at a historic meeting of the caste in 1936, every child this Noniya section knew about their Rajput heritage. A caste of shepherds who were formerly Shudras successfully changed their status to Rajput in the Raj era and started wearing the sacred thread. They are now known as
Sagar Rajputs. (not to be confused with Sagar Rajputs of Bundelkhand which was a subclan of Bundela Rajputs and are considered to be the highest among all central India Rajputs). The terminology "Rajput" as of now doesn't represent a hereditary status but it is a term commonly applied to all those people who fought on the horseback and were associated with paid military service. The Rajputs claim to be
Kshatriyas or descendants of Kshatriyas, but their actual status varies greatly, ranging from princely lineages to common cultivators The Rajputs of Rajasthan are known to hold distinctive identity as opposed to other regions. This identity is usually described as "proud Rajput of Rājputāna". The
Rajputs of
Rajasthan have often refused to acknowledge the warriors from regions outside of the
Rajputana region as Rajputs. These western Rajputs restricted their social contact with the people of variety of ethnic and cultural backgrounds, who claimed Rajput status by following intermarriages between themselves and preserving their "purity of blood". Hence many Rajputs of Rajasthan are nostalgic about their past and keenly conscious of their genealogy, emphasising a Rajput ethos that is martial in spirit, with a fierce pride in lineage and tradition. However, by the 17th century, the
Ujjainiya Rajput clan of Bihar was recognised as
Parmar Rajputs by the Rajputs of
Rajasthan and were allowed a place in the Rajasthani bardic
khyat.
Dirk H. A. Kolff describes soldiers of
Silhadi and
Medini Rai with the terminology "
Rajput" or "
Pseudo Rajput" migrated from
Bihar,
Awadh and
Varanasi. These Rajputs or the eastern Rajputs often accompanied the Rajputs of Rajasthan in their battles with the hordes of their supporters. They led the band of warriors called
Purbiyas in order to assist their western counterparts.
Steps in Rajputisation process In general, the process of Rajputisation was done not just by a tribal chief but by "castes all over north India ranging from
peasants and lower-caste
Sudras", as well as warriors and even the "local raja who had recently converted to Islam". Sivaji Koyal is of the opinion that by the process of Rajputisation, the
Huns were the first to receive proclamation as kshatriyas in India who were later on followed by
Rajputana's
Scythians,
Gurjaras, and
Maitrakas. According to Patit Paban Mishra, "the 'kshatriyaisation' of tribal rulers and their surroundings, resulted in the Hinduisation of tribal areas".
Rajputisation among the Khasa (Khasi) The
Khasa or
Khasi were the indigenous landholding and peasant groups of Kumaon and Garhwal. Rajputisation among them was a process of upward mobility through which they adopted Rajput customs, symbols, and identity to raise their ritual and social status. Scholars note that scarcity of women among immigrant Thuljat Rajputs and Brahmins led to intermarriages with Khasi women, producing descendants who later claimed Rajput status. Landholding Khasi
Jimdars were also incorporated into Rajput society. By the medieval period many had become known as
Khasi Rajputs, distinct from the immigrant
Thuljat Rajputs (such as Chand, Chauhan, Negi, Rawat, Rautela, Bisht). Historians regard this as one of the clearest cases of caste mobility in the central Himalayas.
Attempted Rajputisation of Darogas The Darogas formed a community and started calling themselves
Ravana Rajputs in order to Rajputize. They are a group who are believed to be the progeny of Rajput kings with their concubines and were most often called as
Daroga. Lindsey Harlan gives an example of how children born from Rajput men and Gujjar women would not become Rajputs and would become Darogas.
Attempted Rajputisation of Jats The Sikh adoption of the Rajput surnames Singh and Kanwar/Kaur was seen by some historians as an attempt by the Sikhs to Rajputise their identity. This form of Rajputisation was more specifically done for the
Jat Sikhs who were considered to be of low origin amongst the Sikhs. The Phulkian Jats, who originally gained power by helping the Mughal Emperor Babur enter India, continued to Rajputise their identity till the 20th century by remotely claiming descent from the Bhati Rajputs of Jaisalmer. Similarly the Jats of Bharatpur and Dholpur also tried to Rajputise their origin. Bharatpur reportedly lost its Rajput status when their ancestor Balchand was unable to have children with his Rajput wife and had sons with a Jat woman. The British-era ethnographer
Denzil Ibbetson wrote that the terms like “Rajput” or "Jat" in the Punjab region of what is now Pakistan, was used as a title rather than as a “ethnological fact". The tribes after rising to royal rank could become Rajput.
Attempted Rajputisation of Yadavs Many groups adopted the Yadav surname for upliftment, these groups were mainly cowherders and were low in the caste order but were considered higher than the untouchables. In 1931 several communities like Ahir, Goala, Gopa, etc. started calling themselves Yadavs and made extremely doubtful claims about having Rajput origin and thus tried to Rajputise. There were a number of times when the Ahirs from the Ahirwal region had cultural traditions similar to the Rajputs such as the martial tradition, and were mixed with being of the Rajput identity. The Mughals acknowledged and distincted the Ahir clans which claimed to be Rajput by blood. The Yaduvanshi term was to describe the Kshatriyas who claimed descent from Krishna, and received a Rajput identity as Krishna was seen as the "cowherder-Rajput god". By the 19th century, the Rewari Ahir clans began to make marital relations with Rajput dynasties such as
Bikaner, and the marriages legitimized their being of "aristocratic" and "Rajput". Although not
Rajputs, this relatively small elite subset of the Kolis claimed the status of the higher-ranked Rajput community, adopting their clan names, lineages, customs and intermixing with less significant Rajput families through the practice of
hypergamous marriage, which was commonly used to enhance or secure social status. There were significant differences in status throughout the Koli community, however, and little cohesion either geographically or in terms of communal norms, such as the establishment of endogamous marriage groups. The Kolis also employed
Barots to fabricate a genealogy which would state the Kolis were of partial Rajput origin. They originated from
pastoral communities and laid a claim on the Rajput identity after marriages with Sodha Rajput women.
Gujarat's Jadeja Rajputs were called "
half-Muslim" and they employed Muslim
African
Siddi slaves for cooking. ==See also==