Seeking a judicial nomination By the 1930s, Alexander's civil rights activity led him to become involved in local politics. At that time, Republicans dominated Philadelphia's political scene, and Alexander ran for a seat on the
Court of Common Pleas as a Republican in 1933, but withdrew before the election, a decision the
Philadelphia Tribune reported was due to ill health. He grew frustrated with the Republican party organization, which offered only the lowest-level city
patronage jobs to blacks. Nonetheless, he saw the Republicans as the best chance for African American advancement in the city and lobbied the party leaders to nominate a black lawyer—preferably him—for one of the judicial seats up for election in 1937. He found little support, and lost the primary election to the three party-endorsed candidates:
Byron A. Milner,
Clare G. Fenerty, and
John Robert Jones. This left the Republicans, like the
Democrats, with an all-white ticket again in 1937. After the election, Alexander joined many black Americans of the era in shifting his allegiance to the Democratic Party. By 1940, however, Alexander decided that the Democrats were no more likely than the Republicans to elect a black judge and, dissatisfied with the
New Deal and the party's lack of action on civil rights causes, he returned to the Republicans. Sadie Alexander had followed her husband's political shift to the Democrats and remained there, and in 1946 President
Harry S. Truman appointed her to his
Committee on Civil Rights. Alexander rejoined the Democratic Party in 1947 and campaigned for Truman the following year. Following Truman's election, Alexander lobbied to be appointed to a federal district court seat. Around the same time, he was rumored to be among the candidates for a seat on the
United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, but the position went to
William H. Hastie instead, making Hastie the first black federal appeals court judge in 1950. Canton suggests that Alexander's frequent party-switching and perceived disloyalty to the Democratic Party may have harmed his chances at a nomination. After his efforts at a seat on the federal bench failed, Alexander sought a foreign service appointment, expressing a particular desire to be
U.S. Ambassador to Haiti or
Ethiopia; he was unsuccessful.
City Council By the late 1940s, Alexander joined the ranks of a growing reform movement in the Philadelphia Democratic Party. The group was led by
Joseph S. Clark Jr. and
Richardson Dilworth, former Republicans who had left their party over machine politics, and
James A. Finnegan, a Democratic organization leader who saw that a growing desire for
civil service reform and good government could lift his party from its perpetual minority status by attracting independent voters. After reformers passed a new city charter in 1951, Alexander won the Democratic primary to represent the 5th district on the
City Council. At the
general election that November, Alexander won easily, taking 58% of the vote against incumbent Republican
Eugene J. Sullivan. Democrats swept nine of the ten council districts and elected Clark mayor, ending 67 years of Republican rule in the city. Alexander's campaign for council stressed messages of merit selection for city workers as well as increasing the number of black employees. The promise of civil service reform gained the confidence of black voters, who had traditionally been left out of the Republican patronage system. In 1953, Alexander introduced a resolution in council demanding that the then all-white
Girard College admit black students, or else lose its tax-exempt status. The case wended its way through the courts, led by civil rights activist
Cecil B. Moore; the school eventually desegregated, but not until 1968, long after Alexander had left City Council. He was
re-elected in 1955 with an increased share of the vote, receiving 70% of the vote to Republican nominee William Lynch's 30%. On the city council, Alexander continued to press the cause of civil service reform. In 1954, he successfully opposed the efforts of fellow Democrats
James Tate and
Michael J. Towey to weaken the civil service reforms of the new charter. Two years later, Alexander remained opposed, but the amendments' proponents found the required two-thirds vote in Council to make it on to the ballot for popular approval. A referendum on the subject failed in a vote that April.
Judge In 1958, Rep.
Earl Chudoff, who represented the
4th district in the
U.S. House of Representatives, resigned his seat after he was elected to be a judge on the Court of Common Pleas No. 1. In
the ensuing special election for the congressional seat, as the 4th district was about 75% black, the Democratic organization wanted a black candidate to replace Chudoff, who was white. They settled on
Robert N. C. Nix Sr., a local attorney. Alexander also announced his candidacy for the seat; according to his biographer, Alexander was less interested in serving in Congress than in using the leverage of a primary challenge to force the party organization to back him for a judgeship. The ploy was successful. Alexander soon dropped out of the race and Nix was elected. Governor
George M. Leader appointed Alexander to be a judge on the Court of Common Pleas No. 4, to fill a vacancy caused by the resignation of
John Morgan Davis, who was elected
lieutenant governor in 1958. Governor Leader was initially hesitant to appoint Alexander as it was traditional for the governor to appoint judges from a list of recommendations by the judiciary committee of the Philadelphia Bar Association; however, there was "adequate precedent" for appointing a qualified judge not recommended by the committee, and Rep.
William J. Green Jr. used his considerable political influence to ensure Alexander's appointment. On January 5, 1959, Alexander was sworn in, the first black judge to sit on the Court of Common Pleas, and in the
election later that year, he won a full ten-year term on the court. In Alexander's first year on the court, he was disturbed by the high number of black defendants he saw and sought to remedy the problem by creating an alternate probation system for first-time offenders called the "Spiritual Rehabilitation Program", with funding and logistical assistance coming from local churches and synagogues. The program received national attention for its innovative approach to crime but failed to gain much support outside of black churches. He also found himself dragged back into the political realm when Republicans demanded that a
grand jury be convened to investigate Democratic corruption in City Hall; Alexander rejected their petition. Alexander continued to be active as a civil rights leader but clashed with younger activists over the methods best suited to achieving their goals. In 1962, for example, while Alexander urged increased black representation on the Philadelphia Council for Community Advancement, he disagreed with NAACP branch president
Cecil B. Moore's call for a boycott of corporate donors to the group. While supporting
Martin Luther King Jr.'s civil disobedience campaigns in the South in 1964, he believed some measures hurt the cause by alienating white voters; he called on black leaders to "cease the needless demonstrations, stall-ins, uncalled lie downs especially in the North which bring discredit upon us". In 1966, he condemned the
Black Power movement as "a hazardous and meaningless catch-phrase which is as dangerous and divisive for the Negro as the white racism which we have opposed for so long". Despite differences with Moore and others, Alexander continued to work toward his lifelong goal of racial equality. In 1969, he called for the city to hire more black employees, and in 1972 penned an article in
The Philadelphia Inquirer calling for the
Philadelphia Police Department to do the same. Meanwhile, he spoke out against
black separatism, calling it "reverse racism". His focus increasingly was on how economic issues exacerbated racial problems, and he called for a
universal basic income and
affirmative action to remedy the problem. Nevertheless, according to Canton, by the 1970s young blacks viewed Alexander and his generation of civil rights leaders as "out of touch and too dependent on the white elite". == Death and legacy ==