Comparative politics (national level) Majoritarian institutions, such as parliaments (legislatures) and
political parties, are associated with politicisation because they represent
popular sovereignty and their agents are subject to short-term political considerations, particularly the need to compete for votes ("vote-seeking") by utilising populist rhetoric and policies. Non-majoritarian institutions, such as
constitutional courts,
central banks and
international organisations, are neither directly elected nor directly managed by elected officials, and are connected with depoliticisation as they tend towards moderation and compromise. Declines in voter turnout, political mobilisation and political party membership, trends present in most
OECD countries from the 1960s onwards, reflect depoliticisation. A number of causes for this shift have been suggested. The growth of
big tent political parties (parties which aim to appeal to a broad spectrum of voters) resulted in reduced polarisation and centralised decision-making, with increased compromise and bargaining. In
postwar Europe, the development of
neo-corporatism led to political bargaining between powerful
employers' organisations,
trade unions and the government in a system known as
tripartism, within which
cartel parties could successfully prevent competition from newer parties. Globally during the late 20th century, central banks and constitutional courts became increasingly important.
Robert Dahl argued that these processes risked producing
alienation because they created a professionalised form of politics that was "anti-ideological" and "too remote and bureaucratized". Other contemporary scholars saw depoliticisation as a positive indication of
dealignment and democratic maturity, as political competition came to be dominated by
issues rather than
cleavages. In the early 21st century, theorists such as
Colin Crouch and
Chantal Mouffe argued that low participation was not the result of satisfaction with political systems, but the consequence of low confidence in institutions and political representatives; in 2007,
Colin Hay explicitly linked these studies with the concept of politicisation. Since the 1990s, a process of "repoliticisation" has occurred on the national level, marked by the growth of
right-wing populist parties in Europe, increased
polarisation in American politics and higher voter turnout. The divide between the winners and losers of
globalisation and
neoliberalism is hypothesised to have played a major role in this process, having replaced
class conflict as the primary source of politicisation. Sources of conflict along this line include an "integration–demarcation" cleavage (between the losers of globalisation, who favour protectionism and nationalism, and the winners of globalisation, who prefer increased competition, open borders and
internationalism); and a similar "cosmopolitan–communitarian" cleavage (which places additional emphasis on a cultural divide between supporters of universal norms and those who believe in
cultural particularism). Disillusionment with neoliberal policies has also been cited as a factor behind the processes of depoliticisation and repoliticisation, particularly through the lens of
public choice theory. In 2001,
Peter Burnham argued that in the UK the
New Labour administration of
Tony Blair used depoliticisation as a governing strategy, presenting contentious neoliberal reforms as non-negotiable "constraints" in order to lower political expectations, thus creating
apathy and submission among the electorate and facilitating the emergence of "anti-politics".
Neo-Marxist,
radical democratic and
anti-capitalist critiques aim to repoliticise what they describe as neoliberal society, arguing that
Marx's theory of alienation can be used to explain depoliticisation.
European studies (European Union) In
post-functionalist theory, the politicisation of the EU is seen as a threat to integration because it constrains
executive decision makers in member states due to domestic partisanship, fear of referendum defeat and the electoral repercussions of European policies, ultimately preventing political compromise on the European level. The EU has experienced politicisation over time however it has been at an increased rate since the early 2000's due to the series of crises. At a national level within its member states, a rise in populism has contributed to volatile party politics and the election of anti-EU representatives. Due to the EU's increasing involvement and influence in controversial policy issues as it strives for further integration, there is a rise in the contestational nature of interactions between EU agents. After dissatisfaction with governance, rising populist challengers have grown the cleavages in electoral divides.
International relations (international level) Government agencies ==Politicisation of science==