Peoples Temple in San Francisco

The Peoples Temple began in 1955 as a racially integrated Christian church founded by Reverend Jim Jones. While the Temple originated in suburban Indiana, the congregation moved to Redwood Valley, California in the late 1960s after Jones predicted a nuclear apocalypse that would facilitate the beginning of a socialist Eden on earth. By the mid-1970s, the organization possessed over a dozen locations in California, including in San Francisco and Los Angeles. Its headquarters later moved into San Francisco, where Jones remained until July 1977, when he fled with almost 1,000 Temple members to the cult's remote settlement at Jonestown, Guyana following an investigative article in New West magazine. ==San Francisco activities==

When the Temple expanded its operations into the San Francisco Bay Area in the 1970s, its staff concentrated on advertising the organization's bus caravans to attract new converts, including the handing out of free trinkets. By 1972, despite the Temple still calling its Redwood Valley facility the "mother church" of a statewide movement, moving the seat of power to an urban area seemed a strategic necessity. The Temple had previously held services in San Francisco and Los Angeles since 1970. In 1971, the Temple established a permanent facility in San Francisco at 1859 Geary Boulevard, an old building in the city's Western Addition that used to be a Scottish Rite temple; a Los Angeles facility followed two years later. While the Temple's Los Angeles facility initially attracted a larger, mostly African-American membership, the Temple later enticed hundreds of devoted Los Angeles members to move north to San Francisco to attend Temple meetings at Geary Boulevard. The reversal of the direction of Temple efforts from rural areas back into urban areas, where it had focused when located in Indiana, was complete. The Temple assigned admitted attendees an "interpreter" of sorts to watch their reactions to the meetings and "explain" Jones' statements. If the attendee seemed non-objectionable, a five-week period of observation began, which usually involved sifting through the attendees' trash by the third or fourth week. ==San Francisco Temple life==

As the Temple shifted its focus to cities in the mid-1970s, communes became an important means of tightening controls and improving finances. Temple members in San Francisco were urged to live a communal lifestyle. Members elevated to the Temple's central governing body, the Planning Commission, were expected to "go communal." The practice later turned into disciplinary boxing matches, where the disciplined child was outmatched by one or more other members. They often involved long "catharsis" sessions in which members would be called "on the floor" for emotional dissections, including why they were wearing nice clothes when others in the world were starving. Communal members' possessions were sold through two Temple antique stores and through weekend flea markets. Because of commune size constraints, Temple security chief Jim McElvane shot and buried communal members' pets in mass graves. ==Media alliances==

(far right) and Rev. Jim Jones (second from right) were recipients of the Martin Luther King Jr. Humanitarian award given at Glide Memorial Church January 1977 In 1972, Jones first met Dr. Carlton Goodlett, publisher of the San Francisco newspaper The Sun Reporter, which was targeted towards African-American readers. Temple media advisor Michael Prokes, a former reporter for a CBS affiliate, dined with Sun Reporter editor Tom Fleming and spoke of harassment of the Temple by the CIA and FBI. The deal was profitable for The Sun Reporter, and Jones and Goodlett entered into another media venture to invest and reorganize the Norfolk, Virginia newspaper The Journal and Guide. The Peoples Forums first issue was published in 1973, with a large format issue first being published in 1976. While Jones hoped to build the ''People's Forum'' into San Francisco's third largest daily paper behind the San Francisco Chronicle and San Francisco Examiner, and grossly exaggerated the circulation of the paper at "600,000", the paper only modestly grew to a circulation of closer to 60,000. Several reporters at local newspapers and television stations also spoke favorably of the Temple. Jones also won the National Newspaper Publishers Association Man of the Year Award, given by the Black Press of America. The Temple carefully rehearsed any meetings Jones would have with reporters, staging visits to the Geary Boulevard facility, permitting reporters to see only specific parts of the building, and stationing Temple members in places to compliment the reporter. ==Political beginnings==

Political volunteerism , 848 Kearny Street in San Francisco, January 1977. Several political developments in San Francisco in the mid-1970s, including a shift from citywide elections of county supervisors to district elections as well as campaign spending limits and reporting requirements, bestowed unprecedented power on local neighborhood groups and civil organizations such as the Peoples Temple. The organization began distinguishing itself with an overtly political message. It participated in political processes and formed alliances, not just for the sake of expediency, but also out of genuine political sympathies. though earlier Jones had also supported at least some local Mendocino County Republicans. However, the Temple played a double game of working underground among progressive circles, assuming the political establishment consisted of "corrupt enemies", while working publicly in traditional channels to advance its own causes. Some more recent accounts state the effective membership numbered perhaps 8,000. Of particular interest to San Francisco politicians was the Temple's ability to produce 2,000 people for campaign activities with only six hours notice. Buscher stated that Jones offered thousands of "foot soldiers" willing to walk precincts and get out the vote, which was "an offer no politician in his right mind could refuse." Agar Jaicks, who was chairman of San Francisco County's Democratic Central Committee, referred to the Temple as "a ready-made volunteer workforce." Later, Jones sent Prokes to Brown's office to interview him, future District Attorney Joseph Freitas and future Sheriff Richard Hongisto for a Temple-produced documentary film. Temple members subsequently saturated San Francisco neighborhoods, distributing slate cards for Moscone, Freitas, and Hongisto. All three candidates won, with Moscone winning a close runoff by less than two percent of the vote. At the time of the election, a Moscone campaign aide stated, "Everybody talks about the labor unions and their power, but Jones turns out the troops." Barbagelata and others suspected election fraud on the part of the Temple, believing that followers of Jones who were not San Francisco residents had been transported into the city to vote. A former Temple member stated that many of those members were not registered to vote in San Francisco, while another former member said that "Jones swayed elections." Stoen employed Temple members as volunteers to help with work on the investigation. When told by friend Michael Wong of Jones' earlier backing of Agnos, Milk retorted, "Well, fuck him. I'll take his workers, but that's the game Jim Jones plays." Amos requested the delivery of 30,000 pamphlets and Milk's campaign delivered them to the Temple. As soon as the encounter ended, Jones bandied it about to increase his standing with the government of Guyana, claiming he and Mondale engaged in private talks regarding outside attempts to destabilize the country. In the fall of 1976, Jones and First Lady Rosalynn Carter both spoke at the grand opening of the San Francisco Democratic Party Headquarters. Mrs. Carter later telephoned Jones personally, unaware that the Temple was taping her conversation. Jones and Mrs. Carter dined again in March 1977 and exchanged letters afterward. In one of these letters, Jones requested aid for Cuba, having recently met dictator Fidel Castro. In a handwritten reply to Jones on White House stationery, Carter wrote, "Your comments on Cuba have been helpful. I hope your suggestion can be acted on in the near future." Carter's Welfare Secretary, Joseph Califano, stated to Jones that "your humanitarian principles and your interest in protecting individual liberty and freedom have made an outstanding contribution to furthering the cause of human dignity." ==The San Francisco Housing Authority Commission==

In March 1976, Mayor Moscone appointed Jones to the Human Rights Commission. Without telling his aides, just minutes before being sworn in, Jones declined the appointment, feeling it was a lateral move because he had served on a similar commission in Indiana in the 1960s. After Jones' name appeared on the appointment list, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors requested that all potential appointees should receive background checks. Moscone then turned the matter over to a nominating committee that included Prokes and Goodlett. After lobbying by Moscone's office, Jones was soon named Chairman of the commission. In July 1977, after media investigations into the Temple had begun, Moscone defended the appointment stating Jones was "both sensitive and realistic. From everything I've seen, he's been a good chairman." Jones' most notable accomplishment on the commission was to lead the fight for a period against the eviction of impoverished residents at the International Hotel by the Four Seas Corporation. With Jones as chairman, the Housing Authority voted to acquire the building using $1.3 million in federal funds in order to transfer ownership to tenants rights groups. When a federal court rejected the plan and ordered evictions in January 1977, the Temple provided 2,000 of the 5,000 people that surrounded the building, barricaded the doors and chanted, "No, no, no evictions!" Sheriff Hongisto, a political ally of Jones, refused to execute the eviction order, which resulted in him being held in contempt of court and serving five days in his own jail. ==Radicals==

Symbionese Liberation Army Jones empathized with inner city frustrations that nourished Bay Area guerrilla vanguards such as the Black Panthers, the Black Liberation Army (BLA) and the Venceremos, which spawned the Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA). Jones expressed admiration for the SLA after its members kidnapped Patricia Hearst, and the Temple distributed the SLA's manifesto among its members. However, Jones attempted to convince law enforcement officials and the press that he opposed the SLA's violent actions by having members hand deliver a $2,000 check to the Hearst family mansion. A police report contained an analysis of press photos and determined that SLA leader Donald DeFreeze and SLA member Nancy Ling Perry attended various Temple meetings along with Hearst's boyfriend Stephen Weed. To heal the rift, the two organizations held a historic "Spiritual Jubilee" in the Los Angeles Convention Center in 1976. Davis visited the Temple, and the Temple participated in rallies on her behalf. She frequently chatted with Jones and top Temple aides in Jones' San Francisco apartment. The relationship with Davis strengthened Jones' political credentials. Jones cultivated an even closer relationship with American Indian Movement (AIM) co-founder Dennis Banks, who spoke at the Temple. The AIM received the Temple's largest donation, $19,500. The Temple also posted bail for Banks' wife, Ka-mook, from an Oregon jail. Banks' name would also later surface in the Temple's investigation of conspiracy theories concerning Al and Jeannie Mills. ==Defectors and conspiracies==

Bob Houston and Joyce Shaw Married Temple members Bob Houston and Joyce Shaw owned a house on Potrero Hill that was used as a Temple communal living facility. Houston became involved in at least two of the Temple's "boxing matches" where he was pummeled for punishment, suffering a bloody nose and being embarrassed in front of his family. Frightened of potential Temple search parties, Shaw lived on the Sonoma County Fairgrounds with a friend for three weeks before leaving for Ohio. Three days later, Houston's dead body was found along the tracks at a Southern Pacific railroad yard. The Temple maintained that Houston coincidentally had resigned from the Temple on the morning of his death. Shaw saw the purported resignation letter, but believed it was forged because it was typewritten; Houston, she claimed, never typed his letters. Temple members attended Houston's funeral, and Shaw held her purse in such a manner as to convince Temple members that the purse contained a tape recorder so that they would not bother her. was convinced the Temple was involved in his son's death even though he was not yet aware of the taped telephone call of October 2. Thereafter, letters from Judy and Patricia arrived at Sammy's house—from Jonestown. Sammy eventually communicated his story to a friend, Congressman Leo Ryan, stoking his interest in investigating the Temple. The Stoens In 1972, Timothy Stoen's wife Grace gave birth to a son named John. Two weeks later, Jones secretly had Tim sign a document claiming that he had urged Jones to engage in sexual relations with Grace, the result of which was the conception of John. Grace grew to dislike the Temple after, among other things, they raised John "communally" and she witnessed the assault of Temple members. In July 1976, she fled to Lake Tahoe with another Temple member to avoid search parties. Several months later, at the urging of Jones to avoid a possible custody-related investigation, Tim quit his job as assistant district attorney and also moved to Jonestown. By June 1977, Tim's disaffection with the Temple grew to the point where he left the organization's headquarters in the Guyanese capital of Georgetown and returned to the U.S. to reunite with his wife. The Stoens' later opposition, including leadership in a group called the "Concerned Relatives", would become a significant reason for the investigation by Congressman Ryan's visit to Jonestown. Unita Blackwell, the Mills and other conspiracies The Temple frequently saw itself as the target of conspiracies by government agencies and others, and included these conspiracies in its literature. In November 1976, Unita Blackwell, a Mississippi mayor and civil rights activist, spoke at the Geary Boulevard Temple about her trip to the People's Republic of China with actress Shirley MacLaine. Two men were caught eavesdropping at the front door and quickly fled in a rental car. Jones, who sometimes claimed he saw himself as the reincarnation of Vladimir Lenin, prophetically told Jeannie before the Mills' defection that, "Lenin died with a bullet in his body and so will I." As an offshoot of the Temple's "Diversions Committee", it formed a "Mertle Committee", which conducted activities such as breaking into the Mills' house to steal documents with the help of her daughter, still a Temple member. The Temple found out about the investigation when David Conn, a longtime friend of the Mills, tipped off Temple ally Dennis Banks by stating that Banks would be better off regarding an upcoming extradition matter if he denounced the Temple. Thereafter, the Mertle Committee conducted searches of Conn's garbage, broke into the crawl space under his house, and made an anonymous threatening phone call to Conn's wife. The Temple denounced the Conn and Banks meeting as a "blackmail attempt" in its literature. The Temple also claimed that the U.S. Postal service was tampering with mail to the Geary Boulevard location, that "conspirators" were behind the death of alleged San Francisco Temple body guard Chris Lewis, and that "reactionary forces were trying to destroy his [Jones] image because he is the most persistent fighter for social justice." ==Political activities at the Temple==

While the Temple aided some local politicians, it did not do so entirely without suspicion. Milk privately felt that Temple members were odd and dangerous. When a Milk aide became wary of the Temple's large and imposing security force following a delivery of election pamphlets, Milk cautioned the aide: "Make sure you're always nice to the Peoples Temple. If they ask you to do something, do it, and then send them a note thanking them for asking you to do it. They're weird and they're dangerous, and you never want to be on their bad side." and Governor Jerry Brown. Preliminary consideration was even given by Brown's administration to a statewide post for Jones before his flight to Guyana. Governor Brown, Willie Brown, Moscone, Dymally, Freitas, and Republican State Senator Milton Marks, were among the attendees of a large testimonial dinner in Jones' honor in September 1976. Willie Brown served as master of ceremonies and introduced Jones, stating, "Let me present to you what you should see every day when you look in the mirror in the early morning hours ... Let me present to you a combination of Martin Luther King Jr., Angela Davis, Albert Einstein ... Chairman Mao." At another testimonial dinner, Brown introduced Jones, referring to him as "a young man came upon the scene, became an inspiration for a whole lot of people. He’s done fantastic things." Dymally stated that Jones was bringing together all ages and races and stated that "I am grateful he is showing an example not only in the U.S. but also in my former home territory, the Caribbean." At another testimonial dinner, when Jones garnered huge applause from the thousands attending, Moscone stated, "You know I’m smarter than to give a speech after listening to Reverend Jim Jones" and "there are two people I’m glad I’m not running against, Cecil Williams and Jim Jones". Following one visit, Milk wrote to Jones: "Rev Jim, It may take me many a day to come back down from the high that I reach today. I found something dear today. I found a sense of being that makes up for all the hours and energy placed in a fight. I found what you wanted me to find. I shall be back. For I can never leave." Jim Rivaldo, who attended Temple meetings with Milk, explained that, until Jonestown, the church "was a community of people who appeared to be looking out for each other, improving their lives." On another occasion, Brown stated, "San Francisco should have ten more Jim Joneses." Although Brown praised Jones, Jones in turn detested Brown for indulging in sports cars, clothes and women. ==Media investigation and exodus==

In 1976, despite the Temple's newly acquired political might and upgraded image, high visibility had heightened Jones' fears of government crackdowns and media scrutiny. In April of that year, through harassment of newspaper personnel by way of numerous phone calls and letters, Jones was able to prevent Chronicle reporter Julie Smith from publishing an unfavorable story on the Temple. Kilduff wondered how Jones had somehow learned the exact contents of Smith's article before it had come out. The Temple's Peoples Forum newspaper chided Kilduff for not having a venue for his story and stated that he was "trying to convince different periodicals that a 'smear' of a liberal church that champions minorities and the poor would make 'good copy.'" Rather than dropping his story, Kilduff took it to New West magazine. Jones convened with top aides for four days to formulate a plan for the exodus. Just before its publication in July 1977, Moscone urged an ally who was the chairman of a department store chain to call friends at New West to inquire about the contents of the article. While Jones' exit was hasty, the exodus of most Temple members had been carefully prepared. The San Francisco field office of Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) received hundreds of requests for passports in the weeks before the New West article was published. After the New West article broke, San Francisco Supervisor Quentin Kopp immediately demanded that Moscone and Freitas launch an investigation into the Temple's activities. Moscone's office issued a press release stating, "The Mayor's Office does not and will not conduct any investigation" because the article was "a series of allegations with absolutely no hard evidence that the Rev. Jones has violated any laws, either local, state or federal." After a six-week inquiry by the special unit, formerly headed by Timothy Stoen, into charges of battery, kidnapping, homicide, arson, extortion, and welfare fraud, Following the publication of media reports alleging criminal wrongdoing, Guyanese Minister of State Kit Nasciemento contacted Freitas and was told that the case against Jones was closed. It was not until after the tragedy at Jonestown that Freitas disclosed the investigation of the Temple. ==After Jones' move to Guyana==

A temple without a leader As the time after Jones' departure proceeded, the zealotry of the San Francisco staff turned to martyrdom. Friday and Sunday meetings were still held, but attendance dropped. San Francisco media, such as the San Francisco Examiner, monitored communications that Jones made from Jonestown back to Geary Boulevard via shortwave radio. Much of them contained mundane requests interspersed with Jones' usual propaganda. Complicating matters Jones made impossible demands, including writing 1,500 letters to the FCC and 1,500 to the Internal Revenue Service. The Temple hired Charles R. Garry to represent it in numerous lawsuits and to draft Freedom of Information Act requests. The Temple also hired noted JFK assassination conspiracy theorist Mark Lane, who gave press conferences at the Geary Boulevard facility. In October 1978, a crippling blow occurred when San Francisco Temple leader Terry Buford defected, though she wrote a series of notes falsely claiming that she was going under cover as a "double agent" to infiltrate "Timothy Stoen's group." Buford had secretly gone to stay with Lane, whom she had met during interactions at Geary Boulevard. Waning political clout While most influential allies broke ties with the Temple following Jones' departure, some did not. while Herb Caen wrote a column in the Chronicle questioning the validity of the New West article. At that rally, Brown stated, "When somebody like Jim Jones comes on the scene … and constantly stresses the need for freedom of speech and equal justice under law for all people, that absolutely scares the hell out of most everybody … I will be here when you are under attack, because what you are about is what the whole system ought to be about!" Brown also stated of Jones at the rally that "[h]e is a rare human being" and "he cares about people … Rev. Jim Jones is that person who can be helpful when all appears to be lost and hope is just about gone." While Moscone refused a request to launch his own inquiry, he was deeply disturbed by the allegations against the Temple, though he thought Jones would return from Guyana. However, on August 2, 1977, Jones dictated his resignation from Guyana via radio-telephone. Milk spoke at a service at the Temple for the last time in October 1978. The repercussions of the article were devastating for the Temple's reputation, and made most former supporters even more suspicious of the group's claim that they were being subjected to a "rightist vendetta." The Examiner article also drew the interest of Congressman Ryan, who had weeks earlier been lobbied by Timothy Stoen and wrote a letter on his behalf. The next day, on February 19, Milk wrote a letter to President Carter supporting Jones and made statements about the Stoens. Milk wrote that "Rev. Jones is widely known in the minority communities and elsewhere as a man of the highest character." Jones also told the San Francisco Temple staff to prepare for a media blast. Caen reprinted the document in his Chronicle column. ==After the mass suicide==

On the evening of November 18, 1978 in Jonestown, Jones ordered his congregation to drink cyanide-laced Flavor Aid. In all, at Jonestown, at a nearby airstrip in Port Kaituma, and in Georgetown, 918 people died, including over 270 children, resulting in the greatest single loss of American civilian life in a non-natural disaster until the September 11 attacks. Congressman Ryan was among those killed at the airstrip. Judy and Patty Houston, the girls about whom Carolyn Layton threatened Joyce Houston not to move for custody at the Sutter Street commune, were also found poisoned. Timothy Stoen's son John was found poisoned in Jim Jones's cabin. 412 unclaimed victims are buried at Evergreen Cemetery, in Oakland, as many of the local members of the church had come from Oakland. A memorial plaque with the names of all victims was placed at the site in 2011, which controversially included the name of Jones, who is not buried at the cemetery. Temple and law enforcement Paralyzing fear initially gripped the Temple's enemies as press reports of Temple "hit squads" surfaced immediately after the tragedy. Public officials, reporters and former members were all among groups reportedly targeted by such squads. The caller allegedly stated, "Tell your husband that his meal ticket just had his brains blown out, and he better be careful." State and local law enforcement and prosecutors finally investigated the Temple. Since the owner was unwilling to reinforce the structure, the building was demolished, and the property remained undeveloped until a Post Office branch opened at the site in the late 1990s. Michael Prokes Michael Prokes, who directed the Temple's relations with several San Francisco politicians and media, survived when he was ordered to deliver a suitcase containing Temple funds to be transferred to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Influential allies' reactions After the tragedy, Mayor Moscone initially defended his appointment of Jones, stating that his reputation in 1975 was that of a man who believed in social justice and racial equality, and that there was evidence that the Temple had initiated programs for drug and alcohol rehabilitation. When asked by a reporter whether he felt in any way culpable for the events, Moscone became angry and stated, "I'm not taking any responsibility, it's not mine to shoulder." Milk stated that, "Guyana was a great experiment that didn't work. I don't know, maybe it did." Because Milk and Moscone were both killed by Dan White nine days after the Jonestown tragedy and rumors persisted of purported Temple hit squads seeking to assassinate political figures, many in San Francisco initially believed that their murders were connected to the Temple. No evidence exists that White acted at the behest of Jones or the Temple. Unlike most other politicians, Willie Brown continued to praise Jones, feeling that attacks on Jones were effectively attacks on the black community. Brown stated that his decision to speak at the Temple was "not a faulty decision at the time it was made, based on all the object factors at that time." Civil rights activist Rev. Jesse Jackson, who had met with Jones on several occasions, refused to disparage him, stating that he still considered Jones to be a man that "worked for the people." Jackson also stated, "I would hope that all of the good he did will not be discounted because of this tremendous tragedy." Jackson praised Moscone for "not going on a diatribe against the Peoples Temple" and "blowing the whole thing out of proportion." == Notes ==