Most sexually harassing behavior is student-on-student. In "The Report Card on Gender Equity", by the National Coalition for Women and Girls in Education (NCWGE), it was reported that, of students who have been sexually harassed, 90% were harassed by other students. (NCWGE, 1997) And in their 2006 report on sexual harassment in higher education, the AAUW reported that 80% of students sexually harassed were targeted by other students. (AAUW, 2006) One of the most common reasons reported for sexually harassing behavior is because the harasser thinks it is funny to do so. In their 2006 study, the AAUW found that this was the most common rationale for harassment by boys—59 percent used it. Less than one-fifth (17%) of those boys who admitted to harassing others say they did so because they wanted a date with the person. (AAUW, 2006) Other researchers assert that the "I thought it was funny" rationale is a fallacy, and the true reasons align more with that of a need to assert power and induce fear in others—more in line with
bullying. These hazing behaviors develop in school, continue in high school and college, eventually moving into the workplace. (Boland, 2002) In late 2006/early 2007 a study revealed that more than 20% of all boys had been harassed by a female student. In 15% of all cases the girl admitted to sexually harassing the boy and asserted the reasons of "I thought it was funny" and "I'm not doing any harm, it's what he wanted". High schools are addressing this behavior. Peer-to-peer sexual harassment is three times more likely than perpetration by teachers or other school faculty. Sexual harassment between peers may also be a result of students trying to conform to expected gender norms created by society. It can also be used as a tool for
gender policing. For example, this could be seen if a male is exhibiting behavior not seen to peers as being masculine, so others may label him with homophobic slurs in order to reinforce gender conformity through a form of nonphysical sexual harassment. Students may exhibit, accept, or tolerate this conforming behavior as to not cause rifts in peer groups. Developmental causes may also result in sexual harassment among students. Those who are unprepared to interact with those of the opposite sex, are unable to appropriately read social cues, or try to exhibit sexual interest in another while not understanding appropriate boundaries, may end up engaging in sexually harassing behavior. Black, Hispanic, and Native American Indian children are at greatest risk for
sexual abuse. Also at increased risk are children with disabilities; the reason for this may be their greater need for individual attention and their possible problems with communicating. Children who have been victims of educator sexual misconduct usually have low
self-esteem, and they are likely to develop
suicidal ideation and
depression. Because the abuser was a person the child was encouraged to trust, they may experience a sense of betrayal. In November 2024, Shakeshaft released a new book called "Organizational Betrayal: How School Enable Sexual Misconduct and How to Stop It. This book largely was researched when she appeared as an expert witness in cases about sexual misconduct and made agreements to be able to use the findings in her research. Otherwise she found it hard to get people to talk about educator sexual misconduct in K-12, which is the area she covers. She writes in the book that more than the perpetrator is complicit in the continuing child sexual abuse by school employees. She states the entire community bears responsibility from teachers who suspected but did not say anything to administrators who ignored the allegations to leadership. In fact, she writes "We are all complicit." Shakeshaft concludes that one of the reasons there haven't been more studies on educator sexual misconduct is that as a society there isn't a will to know. She discusses this in a
Harvard Graduate School of Education interview where she stresses the importance of reporting boundary violations and states she hasn't seen a person's life ruined by a report that wasn't of concern. She states, "So sexual misconduct is targeting a student in a sexual way. It could be language. It could be behaviors. It could be sharing pornographic materials. The behaviors can be anyplace from playing with their hair and talking to them about sex, to hugging in a sexual way, to sexual intercourse." In the interview, Shakeshaft also states that the problem seems to be increasing from the 9.6 percent figure she found in 2004 to a 17.4 percent of students in public schools who have experienced educator sexual misconduct as found in a study "Title IX Policy Implementation and Sexual Harassment Prevalence in K-12 Schools" by Billie Jo Grant et al published in the 2023 Educational Policy publication using data from the 2018-2019 year. Shakeshaft uses 132 cases of employee sexual misconduct that she wrote reports on to provide the basis for her research in "Organizational Betrayal." She states that she is often asked why educators would sexually abuse students and her answer is "because they can." She writes that not enough is being done to protect students. Trends that she notices are that boundary violations start small and then become normalized and afterwards increase. For example, she states hugs can be a boundary violation but if no one mentions the red flag, this is seen as standard conduct, and a potential abuser can move on to more touching after having normalized it with the students and also the observers. She's seen that abusers are often well-regarded and liked in the school, and that other school staff are reluctant to report boundary crossing in a way they wouldn't be if they found a gun on the stairwell. She states that there isn't enough education around grooming and boundary crossing behaviors for bystanders to understand and intervene. In addition, she notes administrator resistance, staff and student support for the perpetrator, mass outrage by parents, and punishing of the victim as possible outcomes in the cases she's researched. She states that red flags include covering the windows and doors of a classroom even if it with student art since it means behavior inside can't be observed, an educator spending alone time in a classroom with a student, an educator giving a student rides home, as well as becoming close with the students' family to build trust. In their 2002 survey, the American Association of University Women Educational Foundation reported that, of students who had been harassed, 38% were harassed by teachers or other school employees. One survey that was conducted with psychology students reports that 10% had sexual interactions with their educators; in turn, 13% of educators reported sexual interaction with their students. In a national survey conducted for the AAUW Educational Foundation in 2000, it was found that roughly 290,000 students experienced some sort of physical sexual abuse by a public school employee between 1991 and 2000. In 1995, the CDC replicated part of this study with 8,810 students on 138 college campuses. They examined rape only, and did not look at attempted rape. They found that 20% of women and 4% of men had experienced rape in the course of her or his lifetime. On campuses, it has been found that alcohol is a prevalent issue in regards to sexual assault. It has been estimated that 1 in 5 women experience an assault, and of those women, 50–75% have had either the attacker, the woman, or both, consume alcohol prior to the assault. Not only has it been a factor in the rates of sexual assault on campus, but because of the prevalence, assaults are also being affected specifically by the inability to give consent when intoxicated and bystanders not knowing when to intervene due to their own intoxication or the intoxication of the victim. A 2007 survey by the
National Institute of Justice found that 19.0% of college women and 6.1% of college men experienced either sexual assault or attempted sexual assault since entering college. In the
University of Pennsylvania Law Review in 2017, D. Tuerkheimer reviewed the literature on rape allegations, and reported on the problems surrounding the credibility of rape victims, and how that relates to false rape accusations. She pointed to national survey data from the
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention that indicates 1 in every 5 women (and 1 in 71 men) will be raped during their lifetime at some point. Despite the prevalence of rape and the fact that false rape allegations are rare, Tuerkheimer reported that law enforcement officers often default to disbelief about an alleged rape. This documented prejudice leads to reduced investigation and criminal justice outcomes that are faulty compared to other crimes. Tuerkheimer says that women face "credibility discounts" at all stages of the justice system, including from police, jurors, judges, and prosecutors. These credibility discounts are especially pronounced when the victim is acquainted with the accuser, and the vast majority of rapes fall into this category. The
U.S. Department of Justice estimated from 2005 to 2007 that about 2% of victims who were raped while incapacitated (from drugs, alcohol, or other reasons) reported the rape to the police, compared to 13% of victims who experienced physically forced sexual assault. Martin writes, ...teachers hold positions of trust. They are expected to design teaching programmes and carry out their teaching duties to help their students develop as mature thinkers. This may involve close working relationships in tutorials or laboratories, individual meetings to discuss projects or essays, and more casual occasions for intellectual give and take. For impressionable young students, the boundaries between intellectual development and personal life may become blurred. In this situation, some academics easily move from intellectual to personal to sexual relationships. A teacher who harasses a student may be doing so because he or she is experiencing the stress from various personal problems or life traumas, such as marital trouble or divorce, a professional crisis, financial difficulties, medical problems, or the death of a spouse or child. Even though the behavior is unacceptable, it can be a symptom of the effects of such stresses, and may stop if the situation changes, or the pressures are removed.
Sexual relationships between students and teachers There has been debate over whether or not sexual interactions and relationships between students and teachers constitute sexual abuse. While sexual relationships with pupils is illegal in the U.S., this is not the case in higher education. Literature professor
Jane Gallop argues that students learn more effectively in a
sexually charged atmosphere. In her book, she describes the separate occasions she slept with two male professors on her dissertation committee, and when she first began sleeping with her own students as an assistant professor. (Gallop, 1997). In her September 2001 essay in
Harper's Magazine,
The Higher Yearning, academic Christina Nehring celebrated the educative nature of such sexual relationships: "Teacher-student chemistry is what fires much of the best work that goes in universities, even today". However, in recent years, there has been controversy over consensual sexual interactions between students and teachers, especially within the last decade. Like many, Gallop asserts that the relationships between a teacher and a student is very much like that of a parent and a child. (Gallop, 1997) However, it is this parallel that many say is the reason teacher-pupil sexual contact and relations are immoral because they are too closely akin to
incest, and similar long-term damages can result. Many experts argue that even consensual sexual interactions between students and teachers constitute
sexual harassment. The most commonly expressed concern is over whether "mutual consent" can exist in a relationship where there is such a disparity in power between the people involved. Because of this, more and more schools are adopting policies that forbid amorous relationships between students and professors "in the instructional context" even when they are consenting (Smithson, 1990). Dzeich et al. writes: In an interview with
the Chronicle of Higher Education, a dean at the
University of Texas at Austin stated he'd like to crack down on consensual relationships between professors and students. "Wait until she graduates," he says he tells male professors. "We have a kind of sacred trust to the students," he explains. "They're coming here to get us to evaluate what their abilities are and what their future could be. These relationships poison the whole academic well." Dzeich argues that much damage occurs because of the betrayal by someone that the student trusted and respected. Moreover, seduction attempts which are masked by pretenses to academic and personal attention are particularly damaging because the student feels complicit in their own abuse. (Dzeich 1990) Another consequence is that, when sex is an accepted behavior between teachers and students, it can be more difficult to raise concerns about sexual harassment. For example, unwanted sexual advances by a professor may be intimidating or even frightening; however, if sexual relations between staff and students is common at the school, it will be difficult for a student to identify this behavior as harassment. (Martin, 1993)
Abuse of trust and conflicts of interest Sexual relations between teachers and students raises concerns about the abuse of trust and conflicts of interest—and these points are not usually covered in sexual harassment policies. The question of
abuse of trust comes into play when sexual relations between teacher and student are present. This occurs when the trust associated with a professional relationship is destroyed because of non-professional actions or requests for non-professional actions. Martin writes, "Teachers are in a position of authority and trust to foster the intellectual development of their students. When they engage in sexual relations with a student, they violate that trust implicit in a professional teacher-student relationship." (Martin, 1993)
Conflicts of interest can arise when the professional responsibilities of a teacher are affected, or appear to be affected, by a
special personal relationship with a student. These can include showing favoritism towards a student sexually involved with the teacher, or hostility towards a student due to a past relationship. If a teacher is sexually involved with a student, colleagues may feel pressured to give preferential treatment to the student, such as better marks, extensions on essays, extra help, or academic opportunities. When there are multiple relationships between several staff and students, the possibilities for conflict of interest are enormous. Even if there is no favoritism or hostility, it can be perceived by others to be exhibited. == Special education ==