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Social patriotism

Social patriotism is the tendency of socialist or working-class parties in imperialist countries to subordinate class struggle to loyalty toward their own nation-state, especially during war or national crisis. It presents support for “national defense,” as compatible with socialism. It was first identified at the outset of the First World War when a majority of Social Democrats opted to support the imperialist war efforts of their respective governments and abandoned socialist internationalism and worker solidarity.

Effects on industrial action
The consequence of the policy on labor relations within the combatant countries was something called in Germany, a term deriving from the medieval concept of "peace (especially between feuding families) within a besieged city". Other countries had their own terms, such as the Sacred Union in France and the in Portugal. By such means, strikes and other forms of industrial action were to end for the duration. From 1916 onward, however, illegal labor strikes in Germany began to increase in number due to eroding wages as well as food and energy shortages. In June 1916, for example, over 50,000 laborers in Berlin went on strike to protest the jailing of Karl Liebknecht. In April 1917 the government responded with military force after workers in Berlin and Leipzig rioted over bread rationing. The culmination of the strikes came in January 1918 when over a million workers walked off the job. After the First World War, compounded with the example of the Bolsheviks winning a revolution, a longing for the conditions which had transpired during the war was a major motivation for fascism. ==Zimmerwald Conference, September 1915==
Zimmerwald Conference, September 1915
At the International Socialist Conference at Zimmerwald, the social patriots were identified as "the openly patriotic majority of the formerly Social-Democratic leaders" in Germany. In France and Austria the majority were also so identified, while in Britain and Russia some, such as Henry Hyndman, the Fabians, the Trade-Unionists, Georgi Plekhanov, Ilya Rubanovich and the Nasha Zarya were mentioned. Following the conference, the political journal Vorbote was established with Anton Pannekoek as editor. In the introduction to the first issue, Pannekoek called for an "uncompromising struggle" against social patriots as well as open imperialists, leading to the foundation of a Third International through breaking with social patriotism. ==Kienthal Conference, September 1916==
Second Congress, 1920
Following the founding of the Communist International the 21 conditions adopted at the Second Congress (1920) stipulated: :"6. Every party that wishes to belong to the Communist International is duty-bound to expose not only overt social patriotism but also the duplicity and hypocrisy of social pacifism; to explain systematically to the workers that without the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism, no international courts of arbitration, no treaties of any kind curtailing arms production, no manner of “democratic” renovation of the League of Nations will be able to prevent new imperialist wars." ==Critics==
Critics
Two notable examples of Communists who fought against social-chauvinism in Germany during World War I were Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. They advocated proletarian internationalism, believing that common social relations united workers across any national boundaries. A common slogan used against social-chauvinism is "No War but the Class War". == See also ==
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