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Strategy (Svechin book)

Strategy is the title of the book by Soviet military officer and theoretician Alexander Svechin, first published in 1923, in which he expanded notions and views on the subject of strategy in warfare. It is considered a seminal classic by military historians, academics, and officers worldwide.

Background
In the early 1920s, major general Alexander Svechin, professor of military science at the Military Academy, then directed by Defense Commissar Mikhail Frunze himself who held Svechin in high esteem, gave a series of lectures, titled "Integral Understanding of Military Art." He contended that the division of the military art into strategy and tactics was "absurd" since the "general battle" that once served as the basis for the distinction no longer exists. Arguing that "strategy" and "tactics" are separated by the intermediate concept of "operational art," which organizes distinct tactical actions into operations, while the task of "grouping operations" for achieving the conflict's political objective falls on strategy, Svechin argued for the "internal integrity" of each part in which military art is divided. The main corpus of these lectures was published in condensed and appropriately organized form as a book titled Strategy that was published in two editions, first in 1923 and then in 1927, in the Soviet Union. ==Contents==
Contents
Svechin wrote clearly. Despite the clarity of his text, Svechin's approach and positions, were, at the time of the book's publication up until our time often and widely misunderstood. For Svechin, war is only a part of a political conflict. Strategists should not complain about political interference in the leadership of military operations because strategy itself is a projection of politics. The claim that politics is superior to strategy is universal in nature, so it follows that unsound politics are inevitably followed by unsound strategy. since war is not an end in itself but is waged for the purpose of concluding a peace on certain terms. provided the sides are stable enough and possess adequate defensive abilities. The author gives the Treaty of Versailles as a prime instigator of serious instability across Europe, precisely because the struggle to maintain the status quo proved to be by far the most costly choice: The whole of Central Europe, Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and so forth, was placed in a situation that ruled out completely any possibility of defense and positional warfare. Svechin, writing in the 1920s, goes on to predict the operational outbreak of the next world war. The central importance of politics in the realm of military strategy promoted by Svechin is reflected in Marxist theoretician Antonio Gramsci's emphasis on politics per se as a vital, though largely neglected, aspect of the ideological struggle. Strategy "should be the projection of the general political line of conduct on a military front," argued Svechin. For Gramsci, the concept of the "operation" allows us the bridge the "insurmountable gap" between strategy and tactics at the higher levels of the political struggle, and should inform the actions of the left organizations that pursue the radical transformation of the prevalent social formation. Preparing the Armed Front Svechin examines in depth the "initial principles" of preparation and militarizion, of the use of intelligence, and, most extensively, the preparation of the armed front: The building of armed forces, the military & general mobilization, the preparation of operating theatres, and the formulation of operation plans. Stone points out the example of Condoleezza Rice, who, in her capacity as Stanford University professor of political science, was writing, as late as near the end of the 20th century, that Svechin, in his book, was convinced of "the fallacy of operations in depth to achieve decisive victory" and was claiming "the next war would be [one] of attrition." Stone remarks that, in support of this assertion, Rice only cited Strategy in toto, without specific references to the book's text. Command On strategic leadership, Svechin emphasizes the need to both give shape to a general staff composed of specialists who are capable of coordinating and harmonizing extensive, diverse, and multi-directional preparations and eliminate the gap between the general staff and line officers. The orienting and goal-setting work of headquarters should naturally proceed at a calm pace. This work would be based also on intelligence, as aspect so important that the most talented member of the leadership must be placed in its charge. He dismisses the notions prevalent in 18th century military education, yet still alive until almost WWI, whereby hesitation was practically not permitted among military men. The notion of initiative itself has led to errors grave and small. Having the initiative does not necessarily mean being on the offensive, yet the perspective of many leaders is distorted by the "mirage of destroying the enemy." True initiative may involve compelling the enemy to attack in conditions that are unfavorable to him. In fact, not every movement forward can be automatically assessed as a strategic offensive. The author deals extensively with the discharge of the high command's strategic duties during the war. While the high command cannot remain "slavishly subordinate to the tactical reality unfolding on the battlefield," there are times when its intervention in operational and tactical details is "absolutely necessary," citing examples from the Prussian army's conduit in 1870 where friction and misunderstanding amongst neighboring armies within a very narrow front had to be avoided through very specific instructions. ==Reception==
Reception
Initially received with praise in the military and political circles of the USSR, and acquiring a prominent place in the military schools' curriculum, Svechin's work encountered severe polemics after Frunze's death in October 1925, with detractors denouncing its themes, as well as the author's alleged intentions. Nonetheless, it is clear that Svechin's approach shares Marx's materialism, in arguing that "actual, material conditions are fundamental to human behavior and human institutions." Almost all the officers who maintained professional contacts in their career with the German military became suspect for possible future collaboration with the enemy or outright treason in case of a war with Germany. Svechin was arrested on 30 December 1937 and charged with "participating in a counter-revolutionary organization" and "training terrorists". Stalin was, on the basis of political ideology, a strong supporter of "offensive warfare" and disliked the notions in Strategy, as they were understood by the regime, on defense, attrition, and planning. In that vein, Stalin understood the assessments of the Soviet Union's "geographical advantages" by the Strategy author as defeatist and advocating strictly a "defense in depth." Svechin's name was included in death list No. 107, dated 26 July 1938 and signed by Stalin and Vyacheslav Molotov. On 29 July 1938, he was sentenced to death by the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the Soviet Union and executed on 29 August 1938. His body was buried in the Moscow firing range of Butovo. He was rehabilitated within the framework of Mikhail Gorbachev's policy of glasnost. In 2013, Russian General Staff Chief Army General Valery Gerasimov publicly praised Svechin's contribution to military theory. ==Legacy==
Legacy
Until the 1960s, Svechin's Strategy was the only work that systematically analyzed strategy in wars that had occurred until and during the first quarter of the 20th century. The notions of positional warfare advanced in the book are considered still fully relevant in modern, conventional, military conflicts, particularly those described by using terms like "stalemate" and "attritional", such as, prominently, the war in Ukraine that commenced with the 2022 Russian invasion. Svechin’s arguments add nuance and depth to the concept of positional warfare, particularly for contemporary Western military thinkers. ==Notes==
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