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Tayo Creole

Tayo, also known as Saint-Louis Patois, is a French-based Creole spoken on the outskirts of Nouméa, the capital city of New Caledonia. It is spoken by about 3,000 people in the village of Saint-Louis, about 15 km (9.3 mi) from Nouméa. The language developed out of the contact of speakers of many different Kanak languages in the mission, and the use of French for official purposes and as the language of prestige. The language contains structural elements primarily from Melanesian languages and lexical elements mainly from French.

History
Saint-Louis was founded as a Marist mission in 1860 in the early French colonial period of the island, in order to convert the native Kanak population to Christianity and a European way of life. He based this claim on phonological, lexical and grammatical similarities between the languages and the fact that some Reunionese had settled near Saint-Louis. Ehrhart and Corne refuted this claim, arguing that Tayo contains mainly Kanak structures. Speedy agrees that Tayo is largely structurally Melanesian, although she also argues that Reunion Creole was a type of French that interacted in the formation of Tayo. == Phonology ==
Grammar
Nouns Tayo nouns do not display much internal morphology, with some number and definiteness information encoded in modifiers and clitics outside of the noun. Pluralisation Tayo nouns can be pluralised with the modifier , which can be contracted to or . This is placed before the noun as shown in example (a): (a) PL nun-the/this SI work “The/these nuns work” Determiner/Demonstrative Another nominal modifier is the clitic -la which can optionally follow nouns to introduce something new or to point to something within reach. This modifier, also present in New Caledonian French, occurs frequently, especially with English loanwords and monosyllabic words. This is demonstrated in example (b): (b) ma uver kapoa-la I open tin-the/this “I open the/this tin” Possession Possession is denoted with the preposition pu, placed after the possessed and before the possessor. This is shown in example (c): (c) fij pu ʃef daughter PREP chief “The chief’s daughter” Personal Pronouns Personal pronouns are divided into two categories, characterised by Ehrhart and Revis (2013) as dependent pronouns and independent pronouns. The dependent pronouns denote the subject of a clause, and the independent pronouns denote a range of functions including the object, emphatic subject, reflexive subject or possessor. In the dual and 1st and 2nd person plural, both types of pronoun have the same form. Example (d) below shows the dependent pronoun sa in subject position and the independent pronoun mwa as a direct object. Meanwhile, example (e) shows the independent pronoun lja as an indirect object, as it is after the preposition ave. (d) sa wa mwa they see me “They see me” (e) nu tro aːᵐbete ave lja depi taler we too annoyed with him/her since just.now “We too are annoyed with him since just now” Independent pronouns can also function as emphatic subjects. In these cases, the dependent pronoun functions like a clitic, characterised by Ehrart and Revis (2013) as a subject index. This is shown in example (f): (f) mwa ma malad I I (SI) sick “I (emphatic) am sick” A final use for independent pronouns is in possessive constructions. These are identical to how possession is expressed with nouns, with the independent pronoun placed after the possessive preposition pu, as shown in example (g): (g) kas pu mwa house PREP me “My house” (Ehrhart & Revis 2013) Verbs Tense, Aspect and Modality Tense and aspect, and modality are encoded in markers preceding the verb, as shown in the table below: Negation The particle pa is placed before the verb to express negation, in contrast to the French source word pas, which follows the verb. This is shown in example (h): (h) ma pa ule I NEG want “I do not like to” Imperatives Imperative verbs are formed with an unmodified verb base, as in example (i): (i) ndesa nde lao, twa come.down from up you “Come down from up there, you!” Causatives The marker fe is said before a verb to denote a causative action, as in example (j): (j) la fe plan ver-la s/he make full glass-the/this “He filled the glass” Questions Polar questions are formed the same way like a statement, but with rising intonation, like is often done in spoken French. This is shown in example (k): (k) ta kone ke se mama pu lja? you know that PRESV mother POSS him/her “Do you know that she is his/her mother?” Content questions likewise are phrased like statements, except with an interrogative pronoun in place of a noun phrase, shown in example (l): (l) ta war ki? you see who “Who did you see?” Structural Formation Siegel's (2008) analysis of tense, mood and aspect marking in Kanak substrate languages and Tayo Creole supports the theory that structural features from substrate languages (i.e. in this case, the Kanak languages) are mostly likely to transfer into the creole when they are shared by most of the substrate languages, and the lexifier language (i.e. in this case, French). For example, future tense was marked in two out of three languages analysed as a pre-verbal tense marker. French also frequently express future tense using the verb aller (‘go’), as a pre-verbal marker. As this verb is most often realised in the 3rd person singular form va, this form was transferred into Tayo Creole as the future tense marker. Likewise, progressive aspect marking occurs in all three languages, and French uses the phrase en train de with a similar function in pre-verbal position. As such, atra nde was transferred into the creole language as a pre-verbal progressive marker. == Sociolinguistic situation ==
Sociolinguistic situation
Tayo is in a diglossic relationship with French, with French having higher prestige and used in institutions such as education and in jobs, and Tayo mainly relegated to private homes. Tayo is often denigrated as ‘bad French’, with a Tayo speaking woman stating that as a child she was forbidden from speaking Tayo. A survey conducted by Bissonauth & Parish found that out of eight respondents who reported understanding Tayo, only three reported using it regularly. In a 2015 study by the University of Technology Sydney (UTS), all three respondents (a male senator aged over 60, a female student aged under 20 and a female museum community liaison officer in her 40s) who reported speaking Tayo were also multilingual (with all three also speaking Drehu and French, and the two women also speaking English). The three respondents all lived on the outskirts of Greater Nouméa, being from La Conception, Saint-Louis and Yaté. ==References==
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