Although there are ancient and modern texts that are relevant, no single text provides the precise imagery of the painting, which has led scholars to propose many sources and interpretations. Many art historians who specialize in the Italian Renaissance have found
Neoplatonic interpretations, of which two different versions have been articulated by
Edgar Wind and
Ernst Gombrich, to be the key to understanding the painting. Botticelli represented the Neoplatonic idea of
divine love in the form of a nude Venus. For
Plato – and so for the members of the Florentine
Platonic Academy – Venus had two aspects: she was an earthly goddess who aroused humans to physical love or she was a heavenly goddess who inspired intellectual love in them. Plato further argued that contemplation of physical beauty allowed the mind to better understand spiritual beauty. So, looking at Venus, the most beautiful of goddesses, might at first raise a physical response in viewers which then lifted their minds towards the godly. A Neoplatonic reading of Botticelli's
Birth of Venus suggests that 15th-century viewers would have looked at the painting and felt their minds lifted to the realm of divine love. The composition, with a central nude figure, and one to the side with an arm raised above the head of the first, and winged beings in attendance, would have reminded its Renaissance viewers of the traditional
iconography of the
Baptism of Christ, marking the start of his ministry on earth. In a similar way, the scene shows here marks the start of Venus's ministry of love, whether in a simple sense, or the expanded meaning of Renaissance Neoplatonism. More recently, questions have arisen about Neoplatonism as the dominant intellectual system of late 15th-century Florence, and scholars have indicated that there might be other ways to interpret Botticelli's mythological paintings. In particular, both
Primavera and
Birth of Venus have been seen as wedding paintings that suggest appropriate behaviors for brides and grooms. The
laurel trees at right and laurel wreath worn by the Hora are punning references to the name "Lorenzo", though it is uncertain whether
Lorenzo il Magnifico, the effective ruler of Florence, or his young cousin
Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco is meant. In the same way the flowers in the air around Zephyr and on the textiles worn and carried by the Hora evoke the name of Florence.
Literary sources , 1st century AD The closest precedent for the scene is generally agreed to be in one of the early ancient Greek
Homeric Hymns, published in Florence in 1488 by the Greek refugee
Demetrios Chalkokondyles: :::Of august gold-wreathed and beautiful :::
Aphrodite I shall sing to whose domain :::belong the battlements of all sea-loved :::Cyprus where, blown by the moist breath :::of Zephyros, she was carried over the :::waves of the resounding sea on soft foam. :::The gold-filleted Horae happily welcomed :::her and clothed her with heavenly raiment. This poem was probably already known to Botticelli's Florentine contemporary, and
Lorenzo di Medici's court poet,
Angelo Poliziano. The
iconography of
The Birth of Venus is similar to a description of a
relief of the event in Poliziano's poem the
Stanze per la giostra, commemorating a Medici
joust in 1475, which may also have influenced Botticelli, although there are many differences. For example, Poliziano talks of multiple Horae and zephyrs. Older writers, following Horne, posited that "his patron Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco asked him to paint a subject illustrating the lines", and that remains a possibility, though one difficult to maintain so confidently today. Another poem by Politian speaks of Zephyr causing flowers to bloom, and spreading their scent over the land, which probably explains the roses he blows along with him in the painting.
Ancient art '' Having a large standing female nude as the central focus was unprecedented in post-classical Western painting, and certainly drew on the classical sculptures which were coming to light in this period, especially in Rome, where Botticelli had spent 1481–82 working on the walls of the
Sistine Chapel. The pose of Botticelli's
Venus follows the
Venus Pudica ("Venus of Modesty") type from
classical antiquity, where the hands are held to cover the breasts and groin; in classical art this is not associated with the new-born
Venus Anadyomene. What became a famous example of this type is the ''
Venus de' Medici'', a marble sculpture that was in a Medici collection in Rome by 1559, which Botticelli may have had opportunity to study (the date it was found is unclear). The painter and the humanist scholars who probably advised him would have recalled that
Pliny the Elder had mentioned a lost masterpiece of the celebrated ancient Greek painter,
Apelles, representing
Venus Anadyomene (
Venus Rising from the Sea). According to Pliny,
Alexander the Great offered his mistress,
Campaspe, as the model for the nude Venus and later, realizing that Apelles had fallen in love with the girl, gave her to the artist in a gesture of extreme magnanimity. Pliny went on to note that Apelles' painting of Campaspe as Venus was later "dedicated by
Augustus in the shrine of his father
Caesar." Pliny also stated that "the lower part of the painting was damaged, and it was impossible to find anyone who could restore it. ... This picture decayed from age and rottenness, and
Nero ... substituted for it another painting by the hand of Dorotheus". Pliny also noted a second painting by Apelles of Venus "superior even to his earlier one," that had been begun by the artist but left unfinished. The Roman images in various media showing the new-born Venus in a giant shell may well be crude derivative versions of these paintings. Botticelli could not have seen the frescos unearthed later in
Pompeii, but may well have seen small versions of the motif in
terracotta or
engraved gems. The "House of Venus" in Pompeii has a life-size fresco of Venus lying in the shell, also seen in other works; in most other images she stands with her hands on her hair, wringing the water from it, with or without a shell. The two-dimensionality of this painting may be a deliberate attempt to evoke the style of
ancient Greek vase painting or
frescos on the
walls of Etruscan tombs, the only types of ancient painting known to Botticelli. File:Capitoline Venus - Palazzo Nuovo - Musei Capitolini - Rome 2016.jpg|
Capitoline Venus, derived from
Aphrodite of Cnidus File:Venus de Medici.png|''
Venus de' Medici'' File:Anadyomenes pushkin.jpg|Greco-Roman
Venus Anadyomene File:Wiki Loves Art - Morlanwelz - Musée Royal de Mariemont - Statuette de Vénus sortant de l'onde (4).JPG|Greco-Roman bronze statuette File:Aphrodite Anadyomene Louvre CA2288.jpg|Greek terracotta, from
Pontus Charles R. Mack's interpretation and his companion Another interpretation of the
Birth of Venus is provided by art historian and author, Charles R. Mack. This interpretation takes much that is generally agreed, but Mack goes on to explain the painting as an
allegory extolling the virtues of
Lorenzo de' Medici. This has not been adopted by Renaissance art historians in general, and it remains problematic, since it depends on the painting being commissioned by the Medici, yet the work is not documented in Medici hands until well into the following century. Mack sees the scene as inspired by both the Homeric Hymn and the ancient paintings. But something more than a rediscovered Homeric hymn was likely in the mind of the Medici family member who commissioned this painting from Botticelli. Once again, Botticelli, in his version of the Birth of Venus, might be seen as completing the task begun by his ancient predecessor Apelles, even surpassing him. Giving added support to this interpretation of Botticelli as a born-again Apelles is the fact that that very claim was voiced in 1488 by Ugolino Verino in a poem entitled "On Giving Praise to the History of Florence." While Botticelli might well have been celebrated as a revivified Apelles, his
Birth of Venus also testified to the special nature of Florence's chief citizen,
Lorenzo de' Medici. Although it now seems that the painting was executed for another member of the Medici family, it likely was intended to celebrate and flatter its head, Lorenzo de' Medici. Tradition associates the image of Venus in Botticelli's painting with the famous beauty
Simonetta Cattaneo Vespucci, of whom popular legend claims both Lorenzo and his younger brother,
Giuliano, were great admirers. Simonetta was possibly born in the
Ligurian seaside town of
Portovenere ('the port of Venus'). Thus, in Botticelli's interpretation, Pankaspe (the ancient living prototype of Simonetta), the mistress of
Alexander the Great (the Laurentian predecessor), becomes the lovely model for the lost
Venus executed by the famous Greek painter
Apelles (reborn through the recreative talents of Botticelli), which ended up in Rome, installed by Emperor Augustus in the temple dedicated to Florence's supposed founder
Julius Caesar. In the case of Botticelli's
Birth of Venus, the suggested references to Lorenzo, supported by other internal indicators such as the stand of laurel bushes at the right, would have been just the sort of thing erudite Florentine humanists would have appreciated. Accordingly, by overt implication, Lorenzo becomes the new Alexander the Great with an implied link to both Augustus, the first Roman emperor, and even to Florence's legendary founder, Caesar himself. Lorenzo, furthermore, is not only magnificent but, as was Alexander in Pliny's story, also magnanimous, as well. Ultimately, these readings of the
Birth of Venus flatter not only the Medici and Botticelli but all of Florence, home to the worthy successors to some of the greatest figures of antiquity, both in governance and in the arts. These essentially pagan readings of Botticelli's
Birth of Venus should not exclude a more purely Christian one, which may be derived from the Neoplatonic reading of the painting indicated above. Viewed from a religious standpoint, the nudity of Venus suggests that of Eve before the Fall as well as the pure love of Paradise. Once landed, the goddess of love will don the earthly garb of mortal sin, an act that will lead to the New Eve – the Madonna whose purity is represented by the nude Venus. Once draped in earthly garments she becomes a personification of the Christian Church which offers a spiritual transport back to the pure love of eternal salvation. In this case the scallop shell upon which this image of Venus/Eve/Madonna/Church stands may be seen in its traditionally symbolic pilgrimage context. Furthermore, the broad expanse of sea serves as a reminder of the Virgin Mary's title
stella maris, alluding both to the Madonna's name (Maria/maris) and to the heavenly body (Venus/stella). The sea brings forth Venus just as the Virgin gives birth to the ultimate symbol of love, Christ. , 1494–95, with "Truth" at left.
Uffizi, Florence. Rather than choosing one of the many interpretations offered for Botticelli's depiction of the
Birth (Arrival?) of Venus it might be better to view it from a variety of perspectives. This layered approach—mythological, political, religious—was intended. == Derivative versions ==