MarketThe Origin of German Tragic Drama
Company Profile

The Origin of German Tragic Drama

The Origin of German Tragic Drama was the postdoctoral major academic work (habilitation) submitted by Walter Benjamin to the University of Frankfurt in 1925. The book is a study of German drama during the baroque period and was meant to earn Benjamin the qualification required to become a university instructor. Warned of the certainty of the work's rejection, Benjamin withdrew it from consideration. “He did not know as yet that ‘intellect cannot be habilitated,‘ to quote [a colleague's] wickedly insolent statement about him.”

History
Benjamin compiled the source material for the work that would become The Origin of German Tragic Drama, some 600 quotations from German baroque dramas, in the Berlin State Library in 1923. In the spring of 1924, as the Beer Hall Putsch trial prosecuting Hitler and his co-conspirators proceeded in the headlines, Benjamin fled Germany in the wake of an excruciatingly bad review of his translation of Baudelaire. Absconding to Capri with his voluminously annotated extracts and early drafts, he began to compile and compose these fragments into a unified book on the theme of Trauerspiel for what he hoped would be his habilitation—the qualification that would allow him to become a university lecturer in Germany. While on the island of Capri he made the acquaintance of Asja Lācis and Bertolt Brecht. These meetings—especially his introduction to Lācis—informed his sudden conversion from casual dilettante in Marxist theory to committed dilettante in the same field, right in the middle of his project on the German Baroque. found the work impenetrable and urged Benjamin to withdraw it from consideration. By 1931, it was being taught as a recurring seminar by a young all-star Privatdozent named Adorno, who quickly received promotion and tenure in the process of teaching the book at the same university where it was rejected as Benjamin's habilitation. The seminar may in this sense be considered the inaugural seminar of the Institute for Social Research, since the circle that gathered around Adorno during this time eventually branched off into its own academy. Benjamin indicates in a letter to Gershom Scholem, sent in January 1933, that Adorno “continues to teach the course” on German tragedy, “though it is no longer listed in the course catalog.” Later that month, Adolf Hitler was appointed chancellor of Germany. == Style & scope ==
Style & scope
Historical references The title of the book suggests either a polemical challenge or a further development of technique and insight in relation to Nietzsche's debut Birth of Tragedy. The Ursprung, as it turns out, offers both a challenge and a development of several of that earlier work's themes having to do with theater as a vestigial (or otherwise, further evolved) aftermath and transformed remainder of cultic rites. In the Birth of Tragedy, the ritual performance of the drama both unites the polity in a shared civic order, and enacts the breakdown or failure of that order in intoxication, madness, murder, suicide, familial violence and the general chaos of war according to the exorcismic principle of catharsis etc. This riffs on Aristotle's dramatic theory but Nietzsche's intent is to destroy the rationalizing Aristotelian orthodoxy in a breakthrough to the origin, facilitating a return to the embrace of more primal and violently realized forms of ritualism. Nietzsche's book on the subject was completed after he returned from the Siege of Metz where the German army commanded by Moltke the Elder made its breakthrough in 1871 (only a few months into Franco-Prussian War), after which the French Army was rapidly dismantled and the encirclement of Paris quickly brought France to its knees. This was in the spring of the same year that Germany became a modern nation state in and by means of the process of this invasion, which unified splintered elements and remainders of the Holy Roman Empire in the territory which today is called Germany. The Birth of Tragedy was partly intended as promotional material for the Richard Wagner's Bayreuth Festival. Nietzsche was not a normative public relations person, although Wagner was an important patron and father figure to him at the time that he wrote the Birth of Tragedy. Several of Nietzsche's other early works expand or supplement his theses in the first book. Knowledge of this description of tragedy as a sublimated form of ritual sacrifice in Nietzsche is generally assumed by Benjamin, rather than explicitly cited in each case of glancing reference to the earlier hybrid of Nietzsche's dramaturgy and theurgy in the revision proposed by the Ursprung. Some basic familiarity with the history of Germany's foundation and the subsequent period leading up to and including the First World War, not to mention the Thirty Years' War, will tend to make reading the Ursprung a more rewarding and less arduous undertaking since Benjamin assumes that his readers will possess basic historical knowledge of these events. The Cambridge Ritualists As Benjamin embarked upon his work, the Cambridge Ritualists (a movement that also arose in response to the Birth of Tragedy) were enjoying the pinnacle of their influence in Britain. The scholarship of these Ritualists informed and substantively inspired several now-classic works of literary modernism (by T.S. Eliot, Virginia Woolf, H.D. and James Joyce) who were either being celebrated as a new visionary art-form or otherwise anathematized as forms of sacrilege and tried in court as obscenities. We have no evidence that Benjamin was aware of the Cambridge Ritualists, but a comparison of their scholarly project to Benjamin's experiment in the Ursprung may be the most efficient possible description of the thrust of his argument about the Trauerspiel (the German form of tragedy that arose during the Baroque period in the midst of the Thirty Years' War and its aftermath). Briefly: The Cambridge Ritualists devoted themselves to reverse engineering the ritual forms and rites of the ancient Greeks, returning to the primal origin of the art in the eldritch ceremonies that preceded it by working backwards from the plays as they analyzed older archaeological evidence and inventoried or authenticated Ancient Greek art as experts, dating the work as they went along. The Ritualists also considered that Greek tragedy was a precursor to the modes of thought observed in Greek philosophy, and concerned themselves with illustrating this notion. They preferred tragedy to philosophy: they always preferred the original form to its successor. This dimension of the work, Benjamin seems unlikely to have considered with a view to his own academic success when embarking on the Ursprung. Benjamin assumed that the exceedingly subtle likenesses and gestures rendered in verbal texture—as with the eccentric inclination of his title—would be self-evident and well-understood by his readers, perhaps especially by the committee examining his postdoctoral thesis. Here he seems to have assumed much too much for the most part. If anyone ever understood these dimensions of Benjamin's reference, it was likely Adorno who later taught several seminars on the text. Unfortunately Adorno's course materials, for the most part, do not survive. These tendencies of thought and style mark Benjamin's Ursprung as an exquisitely or otherwise intolerably esoteric work. What is hidden in the text is often just as important as what is explicitly said in the body of its argument. == Problem & summary ==
Problem & summary
Esoteric context The problem of a tendency in democracies to self-annihilate their own enfranchisement and constitutional principles of legal equality by electing dictators in times of anomie and cultural uncertainty looms in the background of Benjamin's considerations in the Ursprung from before the major period of his intensive literature review of Baroque drama in 1923 until long after the book's tardy publication in 1928. Benjamin is ultimately agnostic on the question of democracy, displaying a mostly unstated and (one might almost say) a collegial or even ‘historically Jewish’ (according to the Nazi-jurist and legal theorist Carl Schmitt, towards whom the book was directed as a counter-hex) Benjamin first addressed this issue in his Critique of Violence, which examines—among other things—the paradox of living in Social Democracy where the constitution is suspended and martial law is declared so frequently that it constitutes an increasingly normative aspect of the functioning of the state. Carl Schmitt wrote his Political Theology, in part, as a response to the provocation of this essay and the questions it raised. Schmitt is cited in the text of the Ursprung, and producing an answer to his challenge seems to have preoccupied Benjamin in the construction of the major sections of the book. Benjamin sent the Ursprung to Carl Schmitt as we know from his correspondence. Schmitt responded (insofar as he responded) to this second gauntlet thrown down by Benjamin several years later by legally formalizing the Gleichschaltung, an institutional drive towards the Nazification of all German institutions and social forms (including family, church and schools in addition to every other institutional form like commerce etc.). Who won the argument is a question left open to readers of history, which is long (longer than the twelve years that the Third Reich lasted). Post-metaphysical foreword As with the subtly feinted diagonal to Nietzsche's Birth of Tragedy in the title of the whole book (as above in the #Style & scope section), Benjamin's Epistemo-Critical Prologue, likewise contains a lyrical or sonic reference to Lenin's book on theoretical methodology under the heading Materialism and Empirio-criticism. Kracauer's summary of the Prologue Kracauer gives the most concise summary of the prologue, which appears in a book review of the Ursprung shortly after it came out in print: The difference between traditional abstract thinking and Benjamin's manner of thinking is as follows: whereas the former drains the artifacts of their concrete plenitude, the latter burrows into the material thicket in order to unfold the dynamism at their core. [This method] accepts no generalities whatsoever, pursuing instead the unfolding manifestation of ideas in specific and really or presently perceived situations throughout history [where they ceaselessly evolve and never stabilize]. But since, for Benjamin, every idea is a monad, the whole world seems to him to proffer itself in [the holographic microcosm of] every presentation of such an idea. ‘The being that enters into it—the ideal with its previous and subsequent history—brings an abbreviated and darkened diagram of the rest of the world of ideas riding upon the artifact and concealed in its own figure,’ as Benjamin explains. Benjamin was early on the train of cannabinoids, mescaline and more generally “winning youth to the revolution by chemical sacraments” Epistemo-Critical Prologue vs Materialism and Empirio-criticism vs Being and Time Lenin's book on methodology, Materialism and Empirio-criticism, recommends rationalist pragmatism, subordinate to Marxist revolutionary theory, in the reading of history and world events. Benjamin's Epistemo-Critical Prologue moves in the opposite direction: contemplating the limitations of scientific representation, and its contingency in relation to metaphysically ethereal yet, nevertheless, determining forces. The terrain of awareness Benjamin tears open here anticipates Gödel's incompleteness theorems, the uncertainty principle and challenges proposed to our theory of knowledge presented in the Theory of relativity. Benjamin's thoughts on these subjects anticipate Werner Heisenberg and Kurt Gödel. But he resorts to Goethe rather than calculus. Benjamin's critique of the hard sciences is couched in the jargon of aesthetics and metaphysics. Rather than presenting itself as a mathematical or logical proof, it suggests itself here as a sensibility. Predating proofs by Heisenberg and Gödel, also predating the Theory of Relativity, it is no wonder that none of Benjamin's examiners knew what to make of this text. The main drive is that absolute statement is impossible in human language or any other system of human representation including the numerical. Thus by extrapolation, he suggests in the first few pages that science is devoted to an impossible object or objective if it commits itself to the discovery of a unified field theory of static principles, given that the wild transformation of words and ideas over time will ravage these notions as the years go by; furthermore, their eternal and temporally essential transformation in real time makes it impossible to establish such principles in the first place. From there the argument scales, iterates, qualifies and quickly recapitulates the development and relations of these dynamics throughout the history of western philosophy with particular emphasis on how they express themselves in the final, blood-drenched climax of the Reformation, specially referred to as the Baroque, for the next forty pages or so. In terms of its epistemological and metaphysical claim (and not the specific historical substance his method addresses itself to), Benjamin's prologue later finds provisionally inferred support in Albert Einstein's introduction to Bertrand Russell's book on Theory of Knowledge which awkwardly and agreeably logs an objection to the main arguments of the book that this essay by Einstein introduces. It is very unlikely that Einstein read Benjamin in order to inform his judgment on this question. Russell is a positivist. Benjamin and Einstein are not positivists, in terms of their theory of knowledge. Benjamin occasionally toys with the term nihilism, but this word has many connotations that do not apply to him especially in his own time. The introduction to the Origins of German Tragedy—the "Epistemo-Critical Foreword"—is so difficult as a philosophical and theological exercise and, retrospectively, so substantively important in the discourse of metaphysics and fundamental ontology in German and European thought (especially in the aftermath of Friedrich Nietzsche) that in many respects the Ursprung foreword dwarfs the main body of the book that follows it. The work attempts to constitute an alternative (or at least a skeptical refusal) to the embrace of the will to power and a warning against this trend. Beginning with the first chapter of Benjamin's study of baroque drama, he presents the reader with many challenging mental exercises as the text proceeds but it has been noted that the book may likely be less read and understood than it otherwise might have been due to the fact that almost no one proceeding on the assumption that the book is a study of Baroque drama the way that authors like Samuel Johnson or Harold Bloom have written studies of William Shakespeare ever makes it past the foreword. It is conjectured that the foreword to this book so disarmed and confused his committee at the academy that it disqualified the substance of the book from fair consideration. Except in Benjamin's case these arguments are advanced as a provisional preparatory note to a marginal study of dramaturgy informing the memory of an extinct, archaic and little read genre of late-medieval, post-apocalyptic plays. Putatively written to outline Benjamin's methodology for the study of Baroque tragedy, the foreword may be read as no less than a manifesto of a new mysticism of word and concept proposed in the void of religious feeling following upon the loss of the Bible's status as a transcendental authority in the late 19th century sometimes referred to as the Death of God. This is a terminology that Benjamin and Scholem rigorously avoid. On the contrary, they see something resembling (for them in the early phase of their careers and in a transformed sense later on) the basic insight of monotheism, encrypted in Biblical myth or otherwise revealed in the script (where “the medium is the message” as Marshall McLuhan later summarized Benjamin). It is not the original insight of monotheism that they see in what militant German nihilists refer to as the Death of God. These people, Benjamin and Scholem, are not originalists or fundamentalists. Benjamin, in the Unsprung chases after the revelation in jetzeit or in the now-time, which is the only place where insights have ever happened—at the foot of Mount Sinai in what are now ancient centuries that remain to us only in their artifacts, or in the present of the 1920s while he is working on the Ursprung or right now as we read it. What the mysticism outlined in the Ursprung looks like in terms of its practice or application is never directly discussed, or systematically outlined. It is not even called a mysticism until much later. It is only suggested by the shape of the work and its method. Nevertheless, the grounding for its conception as an after-theology or post-theology is remarkably accomplished in the course of its presentation. Exoteric content Instead of focusing on the more famous examples of baroque drama from around the world, such as Pedro Calderón de la Barca and William Shakespeare, Benjamin chose to write about the minor German dramatists of the 16th and 17th century: Martin Opitz, Andreas Gryphius, Johann Christian Hallmann, Daniel Caspar von Lohenstein, and August Adolf von Haugwitz. For him, these playwrights – who were seen as too crude, dogmatic, and violent by earlier critics to be considered true artists – best reflected the unique cultural and historical climate of their time. Benjamin singles out the theme of "sovereign violence" as the most important unifying feature of the German "trauerspiel" or "mourning play". In their obsessive focus on courtly intrigue and princely bloodlust, these playwrights break with the mythic tradition of classical tragedy and create a new aesthetic based on the tense interplay between Christian eschatology and human history. Foreshadowing his later interest in the concept of history, Benjamin concludes that, in these plays, history "loses the eschatological certainty of its redemptive conclusion, and becomes secularized into a mere natural setting for the profane struggle over political power." == Hermeneutic antidote to Nietzsche ==
Hermeneutic antidote to Nietzsche
In relation to the Third Reich In 1930, after the first major coup at the polls by the Nazi party in an election, Thomas Mann gave an epoch-marking speech (published shortly thereafter in the Berliner Tageblatt) that strongly indicates Nietzsche's Birth of Tragedy as a philosophical and (anti-) theological foundation of Nazism, indicting Nietzsche's heirs, such as Carl Schmitt and Martin Heidegger by clear and unmistakable description of their work. Benjamin enters a vague pact with his lifelong correspondent, co-conspirator, and intelligence source in Israel, the Kabbalist Gershom Scholem very early in their friendship: They chose Heidegger—and thus, in the long-run, Nietzsche— as their nemesis as early as 1915. (Scholem expresses solidarity with Benjamin in this stance in 1917). Benjamin and Heidegger both attended the seminar on time's emptiness and fulfillment in Heinrich Rickert's class in the summer semester of 1913, which set them both on the paths of their research. Their careers and the particular questions or concerns they follow remain entangled by opposing descriptions and antithetical interpretations of the same terrain of metaphysics after its evacuation by transcendent authority ever after that intersection. It echoes allusively and persistently in the larger work that followed his first proposal without resorting to formulaic summary. The concept is modeled and implied cyclically and suggestively in the mysticism of ‘the concept-as-demon’ presented in the Ursprung foreword and is demonstrated throughout the text that follows. The will to read freely counters the will to power, in Benjamin's Ursprung. However utopian and even impotent this tactic may seem in comparison to Nietzsche's (it is literally anti-potent or against the violence of militant power as such) it may be well to recall that Hitler's thousand year Reich lasted for only twelve years and that the year 1963 celebrated the publication of the book-length anthology of Eichmann in Jerusalem (a reading of Adolf Eichmann's trial by Benjamin's student, colleague and literary co-executrix, Hannah Arendt written as a series court-side at the trial in 1961) in a period of steadily expanding liberal democracy—not the thirtieth anniversary of Hitler's ascent to dictatorship in Germany, in a world prostrate beneath the swastika after the (counter-historical, null) victory of Nazism. The history of 20th century in relation to the Third Reich and its aftermath unfolded as Benjamin foresaw in a cryptic fragment of his paralipomena, bridging the gap in his commentary between his Critique of Violence and the Ursprung, composing an afterword and preparatory note that connects to both: In the revelation of the divine, the world-the theater of history—is subjected to a great process of decomposition, while time—the life of him who represents it—is subjected to a great process of fulfillment… In this world, divine power is higher than divine powerlessness; in the world to come, divine powerlessness is higher than divine power. ==See also==
tickerdossier.comtickerdossier.substack.com