Of
illicit substances, the cartel's operations seem to mostly favor the trade of cocaine and
opioids, particularly in a distribution hub like
Chicago, where demand for methamphetamine is relatively low. According to the
U.S. Attorney General, the Sinaloa Cartel was responsible for importing into the United States and distributing nearly of cocaine and large amounts of heroin between 1990 and 2008. However, during the second wave of
America's opioid epidemic in the mid-2010s, which was driven largely by heroin, the prevalence and trafficking of fentanyl began to increase exponentially, leading to the epidemic's third wave and eventually turning it into the deadliest drug epidemic in U.S. history. Additionally, around 2014 a measurable rise in Colombian cocaine production and global consumption began to increase annually up to the present, currently marking a new high-point for the global use of cocaine. The cartel appears to still have major methamphetamine operations in cities throughout the U.S., such as in
San Diego and
Atlanta. The CDS as well as other large Mexican cartels have set up major
cannabis (marijuana) growing operations in the remote forests and
deserts of California.
Territory and presence According to the
Secretariat of Finance and Public Credit in Mexico City, the cartel has palpable
territory within the Mexican regions of
Sinaloa,
Baja California,
Baja California Sur,
Durango,
Sonora,
Chihuahua,
Coahuila,
Edomex,
Mexico City,
Jalisco,
Zacatecas,
Colima,
Aguascalientes,
Querétaro,
Guerrero,
Oaxaca,
Chiapas,
Tabasco,
Campeche,
Yucatán and
Quintana Roo, as of 2020.
Sinaloa Due to the leadership of the organization essentially being split between the Mayo Zambada and
Los Chapitos factions of the cartel, much of the state of Sinaloa is also split territorially. Within Sinaloa, the
municipalities of El Fuerte, Badiraguato, Mocorito, Angostura, Navolato, Concordia, Rosario, Escuinapa, and half of Culiacán are controlled by
Los Chapitos, while San Ignacio, Elota, and the other half of the
Culiacán municipality are reportedly controlled by Mayo. The municipalities of Cosala and Mazatlán are said to have more than one group controlling the territory as well as some of the northern regions of the state, which are purportedly partially controlled by the
Beltrán-Leyva Organization.
International Despite its measured and challenged presence in Mexico, the Federation is also well-known for its widespread international presence as well as its many transnational criminal operations and partners. Locations outside Mexico include
Latin America (
Guatemala,
El Salvador,
Honduras,
Nicaragua,
Costa Rica,
Panama,
Colombia,
Bolivia,
Peru,
Ecuador,
Venezuela,
Brazil,
Argentina), the
Anglo-Caribbean region (
Belize,
Guyana), Canada (
British Columbia,
Eastern Canada) the
United States (primarily the
Southwest,
Southern and parts of the
Mid-Atlantic) and recently in the
Pacific (
New Zealand,
Australia, and imports of raw products/chemicals from
China) as drug prices for methamphetamine and cocaine tend to be higher in the
Pacific than in the
United States.
Tijuana Airport/Drug Super Tunnels In 1989, the Sinaloa Cartel dug its first
drug tunnel between a house in Agua Prieta, Sonora to a warehouse located in
Douglas, Arizona. The tunnel was discovered in May 1990. Following the discovery by U.S. Customs and Mexican Federal Police, the Sinaloa Cartel began to focus their smuggling operations towards Tijuana and Otay Mesa, San Diego where it acquired a warehouse in 1992. After the assassination of Cardinal
Juan Jesús Posadas Ocampo and six others at the Guadalajara airport on 24 May 1993, the gunmen boarded a commercial jet. When the jet landed at the Tijuana airport, both police and military units failed to cordon off the aircraft, and the gunmen escaped. On 31 May 1993, Mexican federal agents searching for the gunmen found a partially completed tunnel adjacent to the Tijuana airport, crossing under the U.S.-Mexico border to a warehouse on Otay Mesa in
San Diego. It was discovered as Mexican and San Diego officials were discussing the creation of a cross-border airport between Tijuana and Otay Mesa, which would have undermined the drug tunneling operations in the area (see
History of the Cross Border Xpress). The tunnel was described by the DEA in San Diego as the "Taj Mahal" of drug tunnels along the U.S.-Mexico border and was linked to Joaquin 'El Chapo' Guzmán. It was five times longer than the Agua Prieta-Douglas tunnel and became the first of a series of drug "super tunnels" in Otay Mesa originating in and around the Tijuana airport through the former Ejido Tampico. The "super tunnels" were equipped with power, ventilation, and rail tracks to allow the efficient movement of large loads of narcotics across the U.S.-Mexico border. As seen on
image 1 Drug tunnel corridors, the close proximity of the former Ejido Tampico to the Tijuana airport and U.S.-Mexico border made it an ideal staging area for smuggling operations into the United States. The Mexican government's conflict with the former Ejido Tampico dated back to 1970, when they expropriated of the Ejido Tampico to build a new runway and passenger terminal at the Tijuana airport and agreed to pay the displaced ejidatarios (the communal farmers) $1.4 million pesos ($112,000 U.S. dollars in 1970). When the Mexican government failed to indemnify the ejidatarios for their lost farmland, they reoccupied a portion of the Tijuana airport and threatened armed conflict. As shown by
image 2 Ejido Tampico, from 1970 to 2000, the occupied land at the Tijuana airport remained relatively undeveloped. In 1999, the Tijuana airport was privatized and became part of a 12-airport network known as
Grupo Aeroportuario del Pacífico (Pacific Airport Group). In an attempt to resolve the dispute and remove the ejidatarios from the privatized Tijuana airport, the Mexican government established a value on the expropriated at $1.2 million pesos ($125,560 U.S. dollars in 1999) while the ejidatarios of the former Ejido Tampico taking into account the increase in property values from 1970 to 1999 and the privatization of the Tijuana airport established a commercial value on their lost land at $2.8 billion pesos ($294 million U.S. dollars). In 2002, Mexican President Vicente Fox, who had promised to resolve the issue, also failed. As shown
image 2 Ejido Tampico comparison between 2000 and 2006, the ejidatarios then proceeded to commercially develop the area at the Tijuana airport by leasing buildings and parcels to trucking and storage companies. As shown by
image 3 Drug Trafficking Tunnel, in 2006, the unpermitted development allowed the building of a drug "super tunnel" originating from the former Ejido Tampico and adjacent to the Tijuana airport's runway. As prior drug tunnels, it crossed under the U.S.-Mexico border into a warehouse on Otay Mesa in San Diego with the capacity to move multi-ton loads of narcotics. In 2011, at the westerly end of the Tijuana airport a drug "super tunnel" was discovered dug under the airport's 10/28 runway from a warehouse located from Mexico's 12th Military Air Base and from a Mexican Federal Police station. As with prior "super tunnels", it was equipped with an elevator and electric rail cars to efficiently ferry narcotics across the U.S.-Mexico border. In December 2016, one month prior Joaquín 'El Chapo' Guzmán Loera's extradition to the U.S., two "super tunnels", one in operation while the other was under construction, were discovered by Mexican agents adjacent to the Tijuana airport/Ejido Tampico and the Otay Mesa border crossing. Both were associated with the Sinaloa Cartel. On 21 June 2017, Joaquín 'El Chapo' Guzmán's "girlfriend" and former legislator of the state of Sinaloa, Lucero Guadalupe Sánchez López, was arrested at the Tijuana airport's Cross Border Xpress by CBP (
U.S. Customs and Border Protection) officers as she crossed into the U.S. She was charged with drug conspiracy and money laundering, and had been with Joaquín Guzmán when he escaped capture in 2014.
Cartel allies In the late 2000s and early 2010s, the Sinaloa Cartel and
Gulf Cartel were traditionally considered allies but as of 2021, this alliance has reportedly fizzled out as the two groups now battle each other in the state of
Zacatecas with the
Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) now siding with the Gulf to fight against Sinaloa. The CDS was battling La Linea, teamed with the CJNG, in Ciudad Juárez. But it was not until 2024, after the fall of Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada, allegedly caused by his former partners Los Chapitos, derived from that an internal dispute occurred within the cartel. The Sinaloa Cartel has also made alliances with other gangs within the regions it operates. Domestically, the cartel's sub-groups and allies are known to consist of
Los Ántrax (enforcer unit), Grupo Flechas, Los Cabrera (armed wing), Los Rusos (Zambada faction), Los Chapitos (Guzmán faction),
Los Mexicles, Los Salazares (trafficking cell in Sonora),
Sonora Cartel,
Colima Cartel,
Gente Nueva (armed wing),
Juarez Cartel and
La Barredora, while international alliances are thought to include
Crips, Cártel del Noreste (in Zacatecas),
La Nueva Familia Michoacana,
Cárteles Unidos,
La Familia Michoacana, Los Dámasos (armed wing), Independent Cartel of Nuevo León,
Los Rastrojos, Paraguaná Cartel,
Cachiros,
Choneros,
National Liberation Army, Fernando Pineda-Jimenez Organization,
Mexican Mafia,
Moroccan mafia,
Serbian mafia,
Kinahan Organised Crime Group,
Independent Soldiers,
Irish mob,
Hells Angels (denied by HAMC),
Chechen mafia,
Albanian mafia,
Romanian mafia,
Cosa Nostra and the
'Ndrangheta. The Sinaloa Federation has also formed alliances with two powerful
Chinese triads,
Sun Yee On and the
14K Triad, to acquire the precursor chemicals needed in creating highly-addictive synthetic drugs like methamphetamine, and now, likely fentanyl. Operatives like local gangs pick up the chemicals from dropoff points and ship them to hidden labs. The resulting products are shipped to the United States and many South American countries. Chinese transnational criminal groups also launder money at scale for the cartel. The Sinaloa Cartel also reportedly has a major presence in Colombia and has partnered with various paramilitary drug cartels such as the
Clan del Golfo.
Alleged collusion with Mexican federal forces In May 2009, the U.S.
National Public Radio (NPR) aired multiple reports alleging that the Mexican federal police and military were working in collusion with the Sinaloa Cartel. In particular, the report claimed the government was helping the Sinaloa Cartel to take control of the Juarez Valley area and destroy other cartels, especially the Juarez Cartel. NPR's reporters interviewed dozens of officials and ordinary people for the journalistic investigation. One report quotes a former Juarez police commander who claimed the entire department was working for the Sinaloa Cartel and helping it to fight other groups. He also claimed that the Sinaloa Cartel had bribed the military. Also quoted was a Mexican reporter who claimed to have heard numerous times from the public that the military had been involved in murders. Another source in the story was the U.S. trial of Manuel Fierro-Mendez, an ex-Juarez police captain who admitted to working for the Sinaloa Cartel. He claimed that the Sinaloa Cartel influenced the Mexican government and military to gain control of the region. A DEA agent in the same trial alleged that Fierro-Mendez had contacts with a Mexican military officer. The report also alleged, with support from an anthropologist who studies drug trafficking, that data on the low arrest rate of Sinaloa Cartel members (compared to other groups) was evidence of favoritism on the part of the authorities. A Mexican official denied the allegation of favoritism, and a DEA agent and a political scientist also had alternate explanations for the arrest data. Another report detailed numerous indications of corruption and influence that the cartel has within the Mexican government. There have also been multiple reports of senior members of the Sinaloa Cartel giving out bribes to high-ranking Mexican government officials. A witness testified at
Joaquin "El Chapo" Guzmán's 2019 U.S. trial that the former president of Mexico,
Enrique Peña Nieto, took a $100 million bribe from El Chapo. In early 2023, the former
Secretary of Public Security in Mexico from 2006 to 2012,
Genaro Garcia Luna, was convicted for accepting millions of dollars in cash bribes from the Sinaloa Cartel, in exchange for his resources as a public official. The Sinaloa Cartel often had access to Mexico's Federal Police, as well as having access to sensitive information to shake off law enforcement. During his August 2025 guilty plea in a U.S.
federal court in
Brooklyn, cartel leader
Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada gave input on the cartel's long history of paying bribes to Mexican police and military commanders, with payments going as far back as to the time the Sinaloa Cartel was starting.
Alleged collusion with U.S. federal forces In 2012,
Newsweek reported on allegations from an anonymous former Sinaloa member turned informant and former DEA agents that alleged that Joaquín Guzmán's legal adviser, Humberto Loya-Castro, had become a key informant for the DEA. Loya-Castro had become an official informant of the DEA in 2005 but was already providing vital information on rival cartels since the 1990s; such intel was instrumental to the takedown of the Tijuana Cartel, the Sinaloa cartel's main rival, as well as the death of Arturo Beltrán Leyva, who led a splinter group from the Sinaloa cartel. Such information ensured Loya-Castro was immune from prosecution while also keeping the DEA concentrated on Sinaloa's rivals and away from their leadership. Such allegations were confirmed by court documents obtained by
El Universal during their investigation of collaboration with top officials from the Sinaloa cartel. According to court documents, the DEA had struck agreements with the cartel's leadership that would ensure that they would be immune from extradition and prosecution in the U.S. and would avoid disrupting the cartel's drug operations in exchange for intelligence that could be used against other drug cartels. Statements from a Mexican diplomat, which were revealed from leaked emails from the
Stratfor leak in 2012, appeared to imply the belief amongst Mexican officials that U.S. officials were assisting the Sinaloa cartel's drug smuggling efforts into the U.S. and were protecting the cartel while attacking its rivals in an attempt to lower violence between Mexican drug cartels; this was backed up by information provided by a Mexican foreign agent, codenamed MX1. The allegation that U.S. officials were controlling the drug trade through Mexico was corroborated by the former spokesman of the State of Chihuahua, Guillermo Terrazas Villanueva. In March 2015,
BBC TV program
This World broadcast an episode entitled "Secrets of Mexico's Drug War" which reported on the U.S. government's
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives'
Operation Fast and Furious which had allowed licensed firearms dealers to sell weapons to illegal buyers acting on behalf of Mexican drug cartel leaders, in particular the Sinaloa Cartel. The BBC also reported on
Vicente Zambada Niebla's claims of immunity from prosecution under a deal between the Mexican and U.S. governments and his claims that the Sinaloa Cartel's leaders had provided U.S. federal agents with information about rival Mexican drug gangs. In the same documentary it is shown that the U.S. Justice Department invoked national security reasons to prevent Humberto Loya Castro, the lawyer of the Sinaloa Syndicate, from being summoned as a witness to the trial against Vicente Zambada Niebla. In February 2026, the
U.S. State Department said it would pay up to $10 million for information leading to the arrests or convictions of two brothers identified as leaders of the Sinaloa cartel in the state of
Baja California. == Market ==