In 2020, over 70 million people living in the United States resided within 3 miles of a hazardous waste facility. The demographics of the 22% of the population living within the vicinity of these sites were mainly minority and low-income. Specifically, the EPA found that 26% of all blacks in the US, 29% of all Hispanics, 28% of all minorities, and 24% of all households in the U.S. below the poverty level lived within 3 miles of hazardous waste sites. Large corporations such as oil industry companies
Shell and
ExxonMobil, chemical and petroleum companies like
Huntsman Corp and
Dow Incorporated, mining and extraction companies like
Freeport-McMoran and
Southern Copper Corp, and other industries such as manufacturing, pharmaceutical, and electronic industries, all significantly contribute to toxic waste in the United States. The production processes of these companies lead to the generation of toxic waste through
oil spills, emissions, and the release of chemicals into the environment. These companies often prioritize profits over environmental health. For example, several factories have been found to illegally dump pollutants like heavy metals and toxic chemicals, contaminating local communities and harming wildlife. These companies have political power because of their economic influence and resources. Due to this, they can dump illegally and cut corners despite regulations, highlighting the need for stricter regulation enforcement.
Cancer Alley The emissions and toxic waste of over 200 fossil fuel and petrochemical industries in Louisiana have led to the pollution of “
Cancer Alley”. This area stretches about 85 miles along the Mississippi River and affects thousands of people. The people living in this area are among those of the highest risk of cancer from air pollution in the US [34].Residents of “Cancer Alley” face numerous cases of miscarriages, reproductive health harms, and respiratory illnesses. The Louisiana Department of Environmental Quality, as well as the EPA, has taken no action. However, there is a push for regulations and a shutdown of petroleum refineries. Journalist Antonia Juhasz, from the Human Rights Watch, states that “The fossil fuel and petrochemical industry has created a ‘sacrifice zone’ in Louisiana,”. The DDT still present from these barrels has been studied to see if it has degraded through time, however, it is still in its most potent form. Looking into the future of Los Angeles, the EPA is conducting further research about the effects of these DDT chemicals on the ocean, humans, and wildlife. Additionally, more regulations on toxic waste dumping off the coast are in place; chemicals must now be dumped at least 150 miles off the coast. Native American communities have also been displaced as toxic waste disposal sites are located within dangerous ranges of their homes. For example, when these disposal sites are established near Native communities, they are exposing them to pollution. Water sources, soil, and air are all at risk of contamination. After the environment is contaminated, Native communities living there are continuously exposed to the harmful toxins from the waste or forced to relocate and move. As
Winona LaDuke, a Native American activist, has pointed out, “We are proud people, but right now, our lands are being poisoned for profit,” emphasizing how this environmental damage deeply affects Native identities and traditions. To ass on, many times, the Native American land that is getting destroyed or contaminated is sacred again showing how it is impacting Native’s culture and way of life. Additionally, the contamination of Native land is disrupting their food systems, as crops, water, and livestock are impacted by chemicals leached into the environment. The
Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA), also enacted in 1976, authorizes the EPA to collect information on all new and existing chemical substances, as well as to control any substances that were determined to cause unreasonable risk to public health or the environment. The
Superfund law, passed in 1980, created a cleanup program for abandoned or uncontrolled hazardous waste sites. There has been a long ongoing battle between communities and environmentalists versus governments and corporations about how strictly and how fairly the regulations and laws are written and enforced. That battle began in North Carolina in the late summer of 1979, as EPA's TSCA regulations were being implemented. In North Carolina,
PCB-contaminated oil was deliberately dripped along rural Piedmont highways, creating the largest PCB spills in American history and a public health crisis that would have repercussions for generations to come. The PCB-contaminated material was eventually collected and buried in a
landfill in Warren County, but citizens' opposition, including large public demonstrations, exposed the dangers of toxic waste, the fallibility of landfills than in use, and EPA regulations allowing landfills to be built on marginal, but politically acceptable sites. Warren County citizens argued that the toxic waste landfill regulations were based on the fundamental assumption that the EPA's conceptual dry-tomb landfill would contain the toxic waste. This assumption informed the siting of toxic waste landfills and waivers to regulations that were included in EPA's
Federal Register. For example, in 1978, the base of a major toxic waste landfill could be no closer than five feet from
groundwater, but this regulation and others could be waived. The waiver to the regulation concerning the distance between the base of a toxic waste landfill and groundwater allowed the base to be only a foot above ground water if the owner/operator of the facility could demonstrate to the EPA regional administrator that a
leachate collection system could be installed and that there would be no hydraulic connection between the base of the landfill and groundwater. Citizens argued that the waivers to the siting regulations were discriminatory mechanisms facilitating the shift from scientific to political considerations concerning the siting decision and that in the South this would mean a discriminatory proliferation of dangerous waste management facilities in poor black and other minority communities. They also argued that the scientific consensus was that permanent containment could not be assured. As resistance to the siting of the PCB landfill in Warren County continued and studies revealed that EPA dry-tomb landfills were failing, EPA stated in its
Federal Register that all landfills would eventually leak and should only be used as a stopgap measure. Years of research and empirical knowledge of the failures of the Warren County PCB landfill led citizens of Warren County to conclude that the EPA's dry-tomb landfill design and regulations governing the disposal of toxic and hazardous waste were not based on sound science and adequate technology. Warren County's citizens concluded also that North Carolina's
1981 Waste Management Act was scientifically and constitutionally unacceptable because it authorized the siting of toxic, hazardous, and nuclear waste facilities prior to public hearings, preempted local authority over the siting of the facilities, and authorized the use of force if needed. In the aftermath of the Warren County protests, the 1984 Federal Hazardous and Solid Waste Amendments to the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act focused on waste minimization and phasing out land disposal of hazardous waste as well as corrective action for releases of hazardous materials. Other measures included in the 1984 amendments included increased enforcement authority for EPA, more stringent hazardous waste management standards, and a comprehensive underground storage tank program. The disposal of toxic waste continues to be a source of conflict in the U.S. Due to the hazards associated with toxic waste handling and disposal, communities often resist the siting of toxic waste landfills and other waste management facilities; however, determining where and how to dispose of waste is a necessary part of economic and environmental policy-making. In 1995, the
United Nations Commission on Human Rights began to notice the illicit dumping of toxic waste and assigned a
Special Rapporteur to examine the human rights aspect to this issue (Commission resolution 1995/81). In September 2011, the Human Rights Council decided to strengthen the mandate to include the entire life-cycle of hazardous products from manufacturing to the final destination (aka
cradle to grave), as opposed to only movement and dumping of hazardous waste. The title of the Special Rapporteur has been changed to "Special Rapporteur on the implications for human rights of the environmentally sound management and disposal of hazardous substances and wastes" (Human Rights Council 18/11). The Human Rights Council has further extended the scope of its mandates as of September 2012 due to the result of the dangerous implications occurring to persons advocating environmentally sound practices regarding the generation, management, handling, distribution, and final disposal of hazardous and toxic materials to include the issue of the protection of the environmental human rights defenders.
Mapping of toxic waste in the United States TOXMAP was a
geographic information system (GIS) from the Division of Specialized Information Services of the
United States National Library of Medicine (NLM) that used maps of the United States to help users visually explore data from the
United States Environmental Protection Agency's (EPA)
Superfund and
Toxics Release Inventory programs. The chemical and environmental health information was taken from NLM's Toxicology Data Network (TOXNET) and
PubMed, and from other authoritative sources. == Examples of toxic waste issues globally ==