Establishment After the collapse of the Provisional Government, the Ulamo Jamiyati organized the Third Congress of Central Asian Muslims concurrent to the Soviet congress. The congress resolved that the European-led Soviet was unfit to govern a Muslim society they knew little about, though regardless a coalition government should be formed with it until the
Russian Constituent Assembly. However,
Fyodor Kolesov, president of the Sovnarkom, firmly rejected the offer, stating that "the inclusion of Muslims in the organ of supreme regional power is unacceptable at the present time". The Sovnarkom's rejection of a joint government and its unpopularity among Turkestan's native population prompted a large coalition of Central Asians to quickly organize the Fourth Extraordinary All-Muslim Regional Congress in
Kokand, well before the Constituent Assembly was held. Kokand held a headquarters of Shuroi Islomiya, and was the largest commercial center not under the control of the Tashkent Soviet. A postal strike led many members of the council to not receive their invitations, though some found out through local newspapers or were able to mail their opinions to the congress as it was held. On November 25, 1917, a preliminary meeting was held to decide the agenda, and the congress officially opened noon the next day. The congress was made of approximately 250 people, including almost all major Muslim political figures in the region, regional soviets, and the regional Jewish association. The only major group not present was the ulama of the Ulamo Jamiyati. On November 27, the congress resolved that Turkestan was an autonomous territory within a Federal Russian Republic, held the right to
self-determination, and could establish a
constituent assembly. They also decided to join the , an anti-Soviet organization that controlled the rail routes to Russia. While they were fervently
reactionary and
Islamophobic, their control over grain imports led the congress to pragmatically ally with them. A provisional government was organized and elected, led by
prime minister Mukhamedzhan Tynyshpaev, and in force until a constituent assembly was held to better define the regional government. Tensions were high throughout deliberations, at one point led the remaining members of the Ulamo Jamiyati out of the congress, though they eventually rejoined after a compromise was struck.
Influence over Turkestan The Turkestan government began to distribute
pamphlets in December, announcing the creation of the Autonomy, explaining their
political program, and calling for "all citizens of Turkestan—Muslims, Russians, Jews, workers, soldiers, and peasants" to support the government. A majority of the indigenous population and several soviets supported the new government, and rallies began to occur around the region in support of the government. Through early December, demonstrations in the thousands occurred in
Namangan,
Samarkand and
Xonobod, and a rally in
Tashkent reached 60,000 participants. At the Tashkent rally, a resolution was adopted condemning the Tashkent Soviet for its lack of representation, though still advocating peace. The Turkestan government declared December 13, the birthday of
Muhammad, a day of support for the government, during which money for the country would be collected. The Tashkent City Council allowed a rally to occur in the majority-native old city, but barred demonstrators from entering the majority-European new city so as not to provoke backlash. During the rally members of the crowd started calling to free the city's prisoners and seize power. A group split off and entered the new city, taking the city's chief of security hostage. They negotiated the release of two prisoners, but were halted by soldiers upon trying to take the prisoners to the old city. The soldiers fired into the group after hearing a shot, and several were killed. Others died in an ensuing stampede, and the freed prisoners were
summarily executed by the Soviet. From the establishment of the Turkestan Autonomy, its government attempted a conciliatory stance towards the Tashkent Soviet. The Autonomy offered to send representatives to the Fourth Regional Congress of the Soviets if it was delayed, though this offer was rejected as the Autonomy was still in talks with the South-East Union. The Organization of Muslim Workers and Peasants would appeal to the
Sovnarkom of the RSFSR, asking them to make the Tashkent Soviet to recognize the Turkestan Autonomy. This request was rebuked by
People's Commissar for Nationalities
Joseph Stalin, who stated "The workers of Turkestan should not turn to Petersburg with their request that the Soviet Commissariat in Tashkent should be dissolved, but should disperse it by force, assuming they have the requisite power". Both the Tashkent Soviet and the Turkestan Autonomy continued to claim authority over the region, creating a
dual power structure. The Soviet stance towards the Autonomy became increasingly harsh. In mid-January, the Fourth Regional Congress of Soviets voted to outlaw the Autonomy, and arrest its members.
Issues governing Turkestan , who assumed power after the resignation of Mukhamedzhan Tynyshpaev Throughout its existence, the Turkestan Autonomy struggled to govern Turkestan. Its leaders had no past experience governing a country, and the region lacked
bureaucrats,
administrators, or
cadres with that experience. This lack of capability manifested in several ways. The Turkestan Autonomy was unable to establish a financial base. While it was able to acquire 3 million rubles through a
loan to the government, and was able to raise money through donations, it lacked the ability to tax the population. Expenditures were high, subsidizing the regional
newspapers alone cost 55,000 rubles. Troubles worsened when Soviet forces seized 8 million rubles from the Kokand branch of the Central Bank, including the account of the Turkestan Autonomy. The seizing of the account intensified conflict within the government, leading to Tynyshpaev resigning as prime minister in early January, replaced by
Mustafa Shokay. The Turkestan Autonomy was also unable to establish a strong military force. Shokay's cabinet organized a national army of approximately 2,000 men, bolstered by the Kokand militia under . By February, Ergash was appointed
commander-in-chief of the army. The army possessed only a few guns, no
officers, and no trained men, though 60 were being trained by a small group of Russian officers. The government was prevented from buying rifles by the Tashkent Soviet, which convinced
Cossack arms dealers passing through the region to not assist a Muslim army. The Turkestan Autonomy frequently tried to form connections with regional political powers, mostly to failure. In December, Shokay traveled to
Orenburg to speak to
Alexander Dutov about joining the South-Eastern Union, in accordance with the decision of the congress. However, he found their desire to form a Cossack dominated state unacceptable, and the attempt to join the union was ended at his advice. Talks were held with the
Alash Autonomy to form a union, but the Alash Autonomy decided to hold off on any decision until the All-Russian Constituent Assembly. The government also attempted to receive assistance from the
Emirate of Bukhara, which was met with similar success. As the
Emir of Bukhara was in conflict with Jadidists, and worried of an attack from the Taskhent Soviet, he refused to see the government's representatives.
Invasion and dissolution After the killings during the December 13 Tashkent rally, the Sovnarkom began to form military units. While there had always been an imbalance between Turkestan's and the Soviet's military power, it drastically grew once Dutov's blockade was lifted in January 1918, and arms could enter the region. By late January, armed groups in Kokand aligned with the Soviet began to attack government forces, intensifying after rumors spread that the Turkestan government had massacred the Russians and Armenians of Kokand. On the night of February 11, Autonomy forces and their allies seized the Soviet-occupied
Palace of Khudayar Khan and the headquarters of the Kokand Soviet, taking several prisoners. The Tashkent Soviet placed the region under
martial law, and February 13 a detachment of 120 troops under entered the city. Negotiations were held between the government and allied armed groups, and the Soviet military, the latter demanding the prisoners be freed and perpetrators arrested. These negotiations were ended when a radical leader in the Turkestan government threatened civil war if talks continued, and Soviet forces subsequently decided to attack the city. Armed conflict began that day, with a shelling of the palace by Soviet troops. In response,
irregular forces sprung up in support of the Autonomy, armed with makeshift weapons. Fires, robberies and looting began several days later, targeting both Russians and Turkestanis. The battle split the government between Shokay's cabinet and radical groups such as the Ulamo, who called for him to be removed. The conflict ended on February 18, when commander-in-chief Ergash staged a
coup against the government and took control of the country. While the government was fighting, a large contingent of Soviet forces arrived and blockaded the city. On February 19, they gave an ultimatum to Ergash demanding surrender, which he refused. The city was shelled extensively, causing fires to break out and organized resistance to collapse. Once Ergash's militia fled the city, no pro-Autonomy forces were left. On February 22, a delegation from the old city met with the Soviet army, agreeing to disarm and recognize the authority of the Soviet government. == Aftermath and legacy ==