Allegations of foreign support for the Taliban Pakistan According to
Der Spiegel, "the documents clearly show that the Pakistani intelligence agency
Inter-Services Intelligence (usually known as the ISI) is the most important accomplice the Taliban has outside of Afghanistan".
The New York Times was especially alarmed by the level of collusion with the Taliban, having concluded that Pakistan "allows representatives of its spy service to meet directly with the Taliban in secret strategy sessions to organize networks of militant groups that fight against American soldiers in Afghanistan, and even hatch plots to assassinate Afghan leaders".
The Guardian, however, did not think there was "a convincing smoking gun" for complicity between
Pakistan intelligence services and the Taliban. In particular, the leaks discuss an alleged incident in which Pakistan's former ISI spy chief
Hamid Gul met with Afghan insurgents in January 2009, occurring right after alleged Pakistani al-Qaeda figure Osama al-Kini's death by a CIA drone attack. "The meeting attendees were saddened by the news of Zamarai's death and discussed plans to complete Zamarai's last mission by facilitating the movement of a suicide vehicle-borne improvised explosive device from Pakistan to Afghanistan through the Khan Pass", leaked reports said.
The New York Times stated that it could not confirm whether or not the attack ever took place. The article provided a wide range of excerpts from the paper, at some points focusing on coalition successes, and at other times excerpting sections that highlighted coalition failures. Many of the excerpts illustrated American frustration with local involvement, quoting the sources, noting that "glimpses of what appear to be Pakistani skullduggery contrast sharply with the frequently rosy public pronouncements of Pakistan as an ally by American officials".
The Guardian had a very different take. Its Sunday, 25 July 2010 article by
Declan Walsh states: But for all their eye-popping details, the intelligence files, which are mostly collated by junior officers relying on informants and Afghan officials, fail to provide a convincing smoking gun for ISI complicity. Most of the reports are vague, filled with incongruent detail, or crudely fabricated. The same characters – famous Taliban commanders, well-known ISI officials – and scenarios repeatedly pop up. And few of the events predicted in the reports subsequently occurred. A retired senior American officer said ground-level reports were considered to be a mixture of "rumours, bullshit and second-hand information" and were weeded out as they passed up the chain of command. The
Obama administration, in response to the leaks, re-expressed their long-held doubts about links between Pakistan intelligence agents and Afghan insurgents. An anonymous official said to
Al Arabiya, "I don't think anyone who follows this issue will find it surprising that there are concerns about ISI and safe havens in Pakistan". The
government of Iran denies supporting the militants.
Civilian casualties Hundreds of civilians have been wounded or killed by coalition forces in several instances that were not previously revealed. The press listed several examples of such previously unreported incidents of civilian injuries and deaths.
David Leigh of
The Guardian wrote: In one incident, a U.S. patrol fired 43 rounds at a bus, wounding 13 and killing 2 of its passengers. The bus was approaching a stopped convoy in foul weather, swerving in and out of the median and did not stop in response to warning shots and flash bangs. After more concentrated fire, the bus crashed into the rear of one of the convoy vehicles. Most of the wounded were taken in for medical treatment. On 4 March 2007, in the
Shinwar shooting,
U.S. Marines opened fire on civilians after witnessing a
suicide bombing and supposedly coming under small arms fire.
The Guardian reported their actions: The marines made a frenzied escape [from the scene of the bombing], opening fire with automatic weapons as they tore down a six-mile stretch of highway, hitting almost anyone in their way – teenage girls in the fields, motorists in their cars, old men as they walked along the road. Nineteen unarmed civilians were killed and 50 wounded. The military report of the incident (written by the same soldiers involved in it) later failed to make any reference to the deaths and injuries and none of the soldiers involved were charged or disciplined. On 21 March 2007, CIA paramilitaries fired on and lightly wounded a civilian man who was running from them. The man, Shum Khan, was deaf and mute and did not hear their warnings. In 2007, documents detail how U.S. special forces dropped six 2,000 lb bombs on a compound where they believed a "high-value individual" was hiding, after "ensuring there were no innocent Afghans in the surrounding area". A senior U.S. commander reported that 150 Taliban had been killed. Locals, however, reported that up to 300 civilians had died. On 16 August 2007,
Polish troops mortared the village of Nangar Khel, killing five people – including a woman and her baby – in what
The Guardian described as an apparent revenge attack shortly after experiencing an
IED explosion. According to
The Guardian, the logs also detail "how the Taliban have caused growing carnage with a massive escalation of their roadside bombing campaign, which has killed more than 2,000 civilians to date". At the time, the Canadian military reported that the deaths and injuries were caused by a firefight with the Taliban, which it still insists. Michel Drapeau, a former colonel with the Canadian Forces, commented that the document is disturbing, due to it differing from the military's report at the time of the soldiers' deaths, which could make the document incorrect. The Canadian military insists it had not been misleading facts about deaths of Canadian soldiers. Former
Chief of the Defence Staff Rick Hillier also rejects the document and maintains the deaths were due to enemy fire, as do some of the deceased soldiers' families. A document from 11 June 2007 details an incident where
Task Force 373 engaged in a firefight with what were believed to be insurgents. An airstrike was called in, which killed seven Afghan police officers, and injured four others.
Nangarhar Province governor
Gul Agha Sherzai had labelled the incident a misunderstanding. Less than 48 hours after the documents were leaked, the UK's
Ministry of Defence released a statement announcing a new
friendly fire death in Afghanistan. The Ministry had previously announced an investigation into a friendly fire incident in 2009 in
Helmand province.
Role of al-Qaeda The war logs made clear that
suicide bombing, generally carried out by non-Afghan foreign fighters, was increasing and claim that they were nurtured by
al-Qaeda and
Osama bin Laden, whose influence was pervasive and possibly growing. A report generated in September 2004 stated that terrorists had been assigned by Bin Laden to conduct a suicidal attack against the Afghan president Hamid Karzai, during a press conference or a meeting held. Another report, in September 2008, spoke of coordinated, multinational al-Qaeda attack planning. More suicide bombings allegedly were planned with al-Qaeda's Afghan allies, such as the Hezb-e-Islami Gulbuddin militia led by the notorious warlord Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Numerous reports linked Bin Laden and al-Qaeda to insurgent activities. In one report, al-Qaeda was claimed to be involved in a plan to manufacture
chemical weapons payloads for
rocket-propelled grenades.
Role of special ops greater than previously revealed Government accounts of coalition activity were, according to
The Guardian, sometimes "misleading". The British paper cited as an example a press statement that concealed the fact that the real reason for a coalition presence in a particular area was because a group known as
Task Force 373 was on a mission to kill or capture
Abu Laith al-Libi.
The New York Times reported that the United States had given Afghans credit for missions actually carried out by Special Operations commandos.
The New York Times said "over all, the documents do not contradict official accounts of the war. But in some cases the documents show that the American military made misleading public statements". The records log 144 incidents regarding Task Force 373 and involving Afghan civilian casualties, including 195 deaths. Partially in response to this criticism,
Julian Assange claimed that
WikiLeaks had sought the help of
the White House, via
The New York Times, in redacting the names of 'innocent' people but that this request had been denied. However,
The New York Times reporter,
Eric Schmitt, who was acting as an intermediary between WikiLeaks and the White House, told the
Associated Press that, "I certainly didn't consider this a serious and realistic offer to the White House to vet any of the documents before they were to be posted, and I think it's ridiculous that Assange is portraying it that way now."
Julian Assange later told an
Associated Press reporter in Sweden that WikiLeaks had contacted the Department of Defense's chief legal counsel, via its lawyers—a claim that was denied by Bryan Whitman, a spokesman for
Defense Secretary,
Robert Gates. However, a letter, written by
General Counsel of the Department of Defense,
Jeh Charles Johnson, in reply to WikiLeaks' attorney, Timothy Matusheski, was later released (either by the Department of Defense or WikiLeaks), in which Johnson identified the names of Afghan informants as 'sensitive items' but, in keeping with Bryan Whitman's later public statement, stated that: Asked by
The Daily Beast why WikiLeaks did not review all of the documents and make redactions where necessary before their release,
Daniel Schmitt replied that the volume of documents made it impossible.
The Guardian journalist,
David Leigh, claimed that
Julian Assange initially refused to redact the names of informants. In his book, co-authored with
Luke Harding, ''
WikiLeaks: Inside Julian Assange's War on Secrecy'', Leigh claimed Assange to have said in relation to whether the names should be redacted, "Well, they're informants. So, if they get killed, they've got it coming to them. They deserve it." In response to the book's publication, WikiLeaks posted on
Twitter: "
The Guardian book serialization contains malicious libels. We will be taking action." When
Douglas Murray relayed these comments in a debate, Assange interjected "We are in the process of suing
The Guardian in relation to that comment."
The Guardian claimed the following day that they had 'not received any notification of such action from WikiLeaks or its lawyers', two months after the publication of the book.
Psychological warfare Evidence within the documents suggest that the U.S. military has been paying Afghan radio and print media to run favorable stories. One document refers to supplying pre-made content to a radio station, describing that content as psychological operations/
psychological warfare (PSYOP) material.
Child prostitution The documents revealed that contractors for the U.S. Department of Defense had hired local male child prostitutes. ==Responses==