Vazgen Sargsyan

Vazgen Zaveni Sargsyan was born in Ararat village, Soviet Armenia, near the Turkish border, on 5 March 1959, to Greta and Zaven Sargsyan. His ancestors had moved to Ararat from Maku, northern Iran, following the Russo-Persian War of 1826–28. After finishing secondary school in his village, he attended the Yerevan Institute of Physical Culture from 1976 to 1979. He worked as a physical education teacher at the secondary school in Ararat from 1979 to 1983. Therefore, he was exempt from conscription in the Soviet army. From 1983 to 1986, he was the Young Communist League (Komsomol) leader at the Ararat Cement Factory. From 1986 to 1989, he headed the publicity department of the (, "Spring") literary monthly in Yerevan. In 1986, his first book, '''' (, Bread temptation), was published, for which he was awarded by the Armenian Komsomol. ==Nagorno-Karabakh conflict==

Early stages and independence of Armenia The relative democratization of the Soviet regime under Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika policies since the mid-1980s gave rise to nationalism in the republics of the Soviet Union. In Armenia, the Karabakh movement gained widespread public support. Armenians demanded the Soviet authorities unify the mostly Armenian-populated Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO) of Azerbaijan with Armenia. In February 1988, the NKAO regional legislature requested the transfer of the region from the jurisdiction of Azerbaijan SSR to Armenian SSR, but it was rejected by the Politburo. Tensions between Armenians and Azerbaijanis further escalated with the pogrom in Sumgait. With both groups arming themselves, clashes became frequent, especially in the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh and the border areas of the two Soviet republics. In 1989 and 1990, Sargsyan took the command of Armenian volunteer groups fighting near Yeraskh, on the Armenian-Azerbaijani (Nakhchivan) border, not far from his hometown. Sargsyan was elected to the Armenian parliament (the Supreme Council) in the May 1990 election. Although Armenia had proclaimed its independence from the Soviet Union on 23 August 1990, it was not until on 21 September 1991, a month after the failed August Coup in Moscow, when the overwhelming majority of Armenians voted for independence in a nationwide referendum. Levon Ter-Petrosyan, the leader of the Karabakh Committee and the head of the Supreme Council since 1990, was elected president of Armenia in October. Active military involvement Due to the fact that Sargsyan was popular among Armenian volunteer units and army officers, he was appointed the first defense minister of independent Armenia by President Ter-Petrosyan in December 1991. On 28 January 1992, the Armenian government passed the historical decree "On the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Armenia," which formally created the Armed Forces of Armenia. With the rise of hostilities in Nagorno-Karabakh, in March 1992, Sargsyan announced that Armenia needed a 30,000-strong army for maintaining security. On 9 May 1992, the Armenian forces recorded their first major military success in Nagorno-Karabakh with the capture of Shushi. Another significant victory for the Armenian forces was recorded weeks later with the capture of Lachin, which connects Armenia proper with Nagorno-Karabakh. In summer 1992, the situation turned critical for the Armenian forces following the launch of Operation Goranboy, during which Azerbaijan took control of northern half of Nagorno-Karabakh. On 15 August 1992, Sargsyan called on Armenian men to gather and form a volunteer unit to fight against the advancing Azerbaijani forces in the northern parts of Nagorno-Karabakh. In a televised speech he stated: The battalion Sargsyan called for, named (, 'Eagles Sentenced to Death'), was formed on 30 August 1992. it defeated the Azerbaijani forces near the Gandzasar monastery and Chldran village in Martakert Province, on 31 August and 1 September 1992, respectively. According to the Armenian Defense Ministry, the battalion's activity stopped the advancement of the Azerbaijani forces and turned the course of the war in favor of the Armenian side in the part of the region. Armenian military victory with the Armenian forces establishing de facto control on the disputed area Between October 1992 and March 1993, Sargsyan served as the Presidential Adviser on Defence Affairs and the Presidential Envoy to Border Regions of Armenia. Subsequently, he was appointed the State Minister on Defence, Security and Internal Affairs. He was particularly active in unifying the various semi-independent detachments active in the war zone. Political chaos in Azerbaijan and the demoralization of the Azerbaijani army resulted in the Armenian forces taking control over the territories outside of the original Soviet-drawn borders of Nagorno-Karabakh. In 1993, Sargsyan founded and led Yerkrapah, a union of 5,000 war veterans, that had a great influence in Armenia's domestic politics in the post-war years and became the main base for Vazgen Sargsyan to rise in power. In early April 1993, the Armenian forces captured Kelbajar, a city outside the originally contested areas, causing international attention to the conflict. Turkey closed its border with Armenia, while the United Nations passed a resolution condemning the act. In the summer of 1993, Armenian forces gained more territories and, by August controlled Fizuli, Jebrail, and Zangelan. By early 1994, both countries were devastated by the war. On 5 May, the Bishkek Protocol was signed by the heads of the parliaments of Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia and Azerbaijan. The Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, backed by Armenia, established de facto control of these lands. Nagorno-Karabakh (also known as Artsakh to Armenians) remains internationally unrecognized and a de jure part of Azerbaijan. However, it is in de facto unified with Armenia. ==Minister of Defence and president change==

Sargsyan was appointed Minister of Defence by Ter-Petrosyan on 26 July 1995, during the restructuring of government ministries. He remained in that position for almost four years. According to Thomas de Waal, the army was "the most powerful institution" in Armenia under him. Sargsyan is credited with substantially professionalizing the Armenian army. Sargsyan showed strong confidence in the army and stated in 1997 that its strength has doubled in the past two years. In the same year, in response to Azerbaijani President Heydar Aliyev's statements that Azerbaijan was "ready to solve the Karabakh problem by force," Sargsyan replied, "Let him do it. We are ready." Sargsyan's term as Minister of Defence was marked by cooperation with Russia and Greece. Sargsyan had "close connections" with the Russian military elite, especially Defense Minister Pavel Grachev. A 'power minister': 1995–96 elections headed by Vazgen Sargsyan significantly influenced the outcome of four elections from 1995 to 1999. In the aftermath of the war, which was accompanied by a harsh economic crisis in Armenia, President Ter-Petrosyan became unpopular. His authoritarian rule, the banning of the major opposition party Armenian Revolutionary Federation in 1994 and the arrest of its leaders, In July 1995, Vazgen Sargsyan helped Ter-Petrosyan's Pan-Armenian National Movement (PANM) win the parliamentary election and pass the constitutional referendum that gave the president more powers in appointing and dismissing key judicial and legislative officials. They were marred with major electoral violations. According to the Caucasian Regional Studies, Sargsyan "turned off the voters" from Ter-Petrosyan and caused "irritation and antipathy" in 28.6% of the people according to a poll. The election, held on 22 September, was largely criticized by observation and monitoring organizations, that found "serious violations of the election law". were denounced by opposition candidate Vazgen Manukyan who had officially received 41% of the vote. Manukyan began demonstrations claiming electoral fraud by Ter-Petrosyan's supporters. The protests culminated on 25 September, when Manukyan led thousands of his supporters to the parliament building on Baghramyan Avenue, where the Electoral Commission was located at the time. Later during the day, the protesters broke the fence surrounding the parliament and entered the building. They beat up the parliament speaker Babken Ararktsyan and vice-speaker Ara Sahakyan. In response, Vazgen Sargsyan stated that "even if they [the opposition] win 100 percent of the votes, neither the Army nor the National Security and Interior Ministry would recognize such political leaders." He was later criticized by human rights organizations for this statement. State security forces, tanks and troops were deployed in Yerevan to restore order and to enforce the ban on rallies and demonstrations on 26 September. Sargsyan and National Security Minister Serzh Sargsyan announced that their respective agencies had prevented an attempted coup d'état. According to Astourian, in the crackdown Vazgen Sargsyan "intervened with an armed detachment and ordered the soldiers and the police to shoot at the legs of the demonstrators. Sargsian himself actually participated in the shooting." According to Freedom House, Sargsyan was allegedly involved in beating and seriously injuring Ruben (Rubik) Hakobyan, an MP from the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF), after he was arrested during the demonstrations. Leadership split: Ter-Petrosyan's resignation In 1997, the OSCE Minsk Group, co-chaired by Russia, the United States and France, pressured Armenia and Azerbaijan to agree on the final status of Nagorno-Karabakh. In September, Ter-Petrosyan stated his support of the "step-by-step" proposal, which included the return of the territories outside the NKAO borders. Ter-Petrosyan argued the normalization of relations with Azerbaijan and, therefore, the opening of the border with Turkey was the only way to significantly improve Armenia's economy. After the plan was publicized, he came up against strong opposition. The issue was "important to the Armenians because of historical and psychological factors. After having been losing territories for centuries, the Armenians are reluctant to 'lose' Karabakh now that they have won a war against Azerbaijan." The Nagorno-Karabakh Republic leadership, the Armenian intelligentsia and the diaspora, the opposition also expressed their opposition to the president’'s support for the proposed settlement plan. Vazgen Sargsyan, who quickly denounced the proposal, became the de facto leader of the opposing group within the government. They argued that "Armenia should try to improve its economic performance," while Ter-Petrosyan insisted that Armenia "could only achieve marginal improvements insufficient to address the fear of relative decline and economic exclusion". On 21 October 1997, ten members of the Republic bloc in the parliament left the faction and shifted their support to Vazgen Sargsyan. Ter-Petrosyan's bloc in the parliament was left with a majority of two seats. Despite the great public and political opposition, the Pan-Armenian National Movement voted in favor of Ter-Petrosyan's foreign policy. to resign in 1998. During the National Security Council meeting on 7–8 January 1998 it became clear that Ter-Petrosyan did not have enough support to continue his reign as president. On 23 January 1998, during the peak of the crisis, Vazgen Sargsyan declared his unconditional support to Robert Kocharyan, and blamed the Pan-Armenian National Movement for trying to destabilize Armenia. Sargsyan also guaranteed that the Armenian army "will not intervene in the political struggle". Ter-Petrosyan announced his resignation on 3 February 1998. According to Michael P. Croissant, it was Vazgen Sargsyan who "played ultimately the principal role in inducting the president's resignation". In his resignation statement, Ter-Petrosyan referred to Vazgen Sargsyan, Robert Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan as "the well known body of power". He cited the threat of destabilization of the country as the reason of his resignation. Ter-Petrosyan's resignation was followed by the resignation of National Assembly speaker Babken Ararktsyan, his two deputies, Mayor of Yerevan Vano Siradeghyan, Foreign Affairs Minister Alexander Arzoumanian and others. A significant change occurred in the National Assembly. Dozens of members of the parliamentary faction called the Republican Bloc (mostly made up of Ter-Petrosyan's Pan-Armenian National Movement) joined Vazgen Sargsyan's Yerkrapah bloc, making it the largest parliamentary bloc, with 69 members compared to only 56 for the Republic. After Ter-Petrosyan's resignation, Prime Minister Kocharyan became acting president. Almost a year after Ter-Petrosyan's resignation, Vazgen Sargsyan stated at the Republican Party convention that he "respects and appreciates" Ter-Petrosyan and described him as a "wise and a moral man and politician". Sargsyan insisted that the question of "political responsibility" was the main reason behind his resignation, and stated that if Ter-Petrosyan had decided not to resign, "no one could have removed him" and that Sargsyan would have resigned as defence minister instead. Commenting on the circumstances of his resignation in 2021, Ter-Petrosyan insisted that Vazgen Sargsyan and Kocharyan were "ready for civil war" if he did not resign. 1998 election: Kocharyan as president was elected president in 1998. Sargsyan (along with Interior Minister Serzh Sargsyan) openly supported Kocharyan and used his influence for his election in March. He called Kocharyan a "man of unity of word and action" and stated that his experience in Karabakh and Armenia "shows that he is capable of solving economic problems also". No candidate gained more than half of the votes in the first round, while in the second round of the election, held on 30 March, Kocharyan won 58.9% of the vote. The British Helsinki Human Rights Group suggests that "ordinary Armenians turned to Robert Kocharian as someone untainted by mafia connections and the intrigues of Yerevan politics." The OSCE observation mission described the first round as "deeply flawed," while their final report stated that the mission found "serious flaws" and that the election did not meet the OSCE standards. Although Demirchyan didn't officially dispute the election results, he never accepted them and did not congratulate Kocharyan. After the election, however, Sargsyan suggested Kocharyan appoint Demirchyan prime minister to decrease the tensions in the political scene. Even after becoming president, Kocharyan did not have any significant institutional support (e.g. a party, control of the army, a source of money) and remained "in a fundamental sense an outsider in Yerevan". Kocharyan had a more tough position on the Karabakh settlement issue than Ter-Petrosyan. He also urged the international community to recognize the Armenian genocide, something on which his predecessor did not place importance. In response, Turkey and Azerbaijan tightened their cooperation in isolating Armenia from regional projects. Kocharyan did not put pressure on the Nagorno-Karabakh leadership to concede territory to Azerbaijan. He was supported by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, which was allowed to actively operate after Ter-Petrosyan's resignation a month before the election. ==Rise in power==

{{quote box Politicization of Yerkrapah By 1998 Vazgen Sargsyan became "the power behind the throne" as the Yerkrapah faction—made up of war veterans loyal to him—was the single largest faction in the Armenian parliament following Ter-Petrosyan's resignation in February 1998.—in summer 1998, taking the party's name and its legal status. Though Sargsyan was not the chairman of the Republican Party, he was considered its unofficial leader. The relations between Sargsyan and Kocharyan deteriorated after the presidential election with Sargsyan "casting around for partners unconnected with or downright opposed to the president". Within several months three assassinations of top officials took place that spread rumors in Armenia that relations between Sargsyan and Kocharyan were "not normal". In August 1998 Armenia's Prosecutor-General Henrik Khachatryan, a close friend of Kocharyan, was murdered in his office "in murky circumstances". In December 1998 Deputy Minister of Defence Vahram Khorkhoruni was murdered "for equally mysterious motives", while in February 1999 Deputy Minister of the Interior Artsrun Margaryan was murdered. Vazgen Sargsyan and National Security and Interior Minister Serzh Sargsyan, Kocharyan's close ally, were "also perceived to be at odds". Alliance with Demirchyan It was initially announced that the Republican Party would go to the parliamentary election alone and would seek "qualitative majority" in the parliament, and that their goal was the fairness of the electoral process. Surprisingly for many, on 30 March 1999, Vazgen Sargsyan and the runner-up of the 1998 presidential election and Armenia's ex-communist leader Karen Demirchyan issued a joint announcement that they were forming an alliance between the People's Party of Armenia and the Republican Party. It came to be known as the Unity bloc (), often referred to as . Vazgen Sargsyan claimed the bloc was a "genuine" alliance and that the two parties had come together to lead Armenia "from a turning point to progress". Sargsyan and Demirchyan put the emphasis of their campaign on the economy and the improvement of the life of ordinary Armenians. Talking about Yerkrapah—now politically transformed into the Republican Party—Sargsyan said he was confident "that the people that gained victory on the battlefield will also gain victory in economy". He expressed his optimism saying that they were sure that they "will jointly change something and find the right course". The Unity bloc "called broadly for a democratic society, rule of law, economic reforms and a market economy, with the state also creating conditions for the normal functioning of state enterprises and ensuring decent living standards for all". Throughout the campaign, the Unity bloc was widely considered the favorite of the election. Opposition newspaper suggested that most other political parties in Armenia were gravitating towards the opposite pole, around Kocharyan, National Security & Interior Minister Serzh Sargsyan, and the leadership of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. The parliamentary election took place on 30 May 1999, just two months after Sargsyan's and Demirchyan's announcement about their decision to form an alliance. The Unity bloc won over 41.5% of the popular vote, and took 62 of the 131 seats in the National Assembly. The alliance established an effective majority with cooperating with a group of 25 independent and officially non-affiliated members of the parliament, sympathetic to the Sargsyan-Demirchyan coalition. The electoral process "generally showed an improvement over the [previous] flawed elections, but ODIHR said they were "not an adequate basis for comparison". ODIHR's final report described the election as "a step towards compliance with OSCE Commitments" and claimed that, along with improvements to the electoral framework and the political environment, serious issues remained. The Council of Europe also suggested "considerable improvement" from the past elections. The National Democratic Institute report was more critical, saying it "failed to meet international standards" and that it proved to be the continuation of the flawed 1995 parliamentary elections, differing only in "the methods and types of manipulation". ==Prime minister ==

At the Republican Party convention in January 1999. Sargsyan stated his desire in remaining in the position of Minister of Defence. On 11 June 1999 he became Prime Minister of Armenia, while Unity bloc co-chairman Karen Demirchyan was elected speaker of the National Assembly. Many experts suggest that Sargsyan as prime minister was the most powerful politician in Armenia, According to Mark Grigorian, his "activities had begun to overshadow" Kocharyan. Despite Kocharyan's formal welcome of their alliance, the president was "effectively weakened" and "was being sidelined". Some political analysts suggested that the Sargsyan-Demirchyan alliance "ultimately would bring about the resignation of Kocharyan". Vazgen Manukyan stated that Kocharyan "would end up like the "Queen of England". Despite no longer being the minister of defence, Vazgen Sargsyan remained the de facto leader of the army, as a close ally, Vagharshak Harutiunyan, replaced him. According to Styopa Safaryan, an analyst and former member of the Armenian parliament, despite his mixed legacy, under Vazgen Sargsyan Armenia became increasingly independent. Economic policy At the time of Sargsyan's Prime Ministry, Armenia had not yet recovered from the economic effects of the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the energy crisis in Armenia during the Nagorno-Karabakh War. One of the major issues Sargsyan faces was mass emigration from Armenia, which started at the period of the decline of the Soviet regime. The 1998 Russian financial crisis worsened the situation, In his first address to the parliament as prime minister on 18 June, Sargsyan described Armenia's economic situation as "grave." The budget revenues were almost 20% lower than the government had planned, because of the low level of tax collection and the high level of corruption in the Armenian economy. Although Sargsyan criticized the post-Soviet privatization by the Ter-Petrosyan government, he admitted Armenia had no alternative, and that his government had an enormous amount of work to do. In his speech on 28 July, Sargsyan described the economic situation in Armenia as "extremely difficult, but not hopeless". According to him, the first half of 1999 saw $61 million less in the budged revenues than planned by the Darbinyan government. He said that tax evasion played a role in the budget deficit. National Assembly Speaker Karen Demirchyan called for a greater role of the state in the economy to ensure stability, while President Kocharyan was mostly uninvolved in these developments. The closing ceremony took place in the Yerevan Sports and Concerts Complex on 5 September, with President Robert Kocharyan and Vazgen Sargsyan in attendance. Just after the Games, which involved thousands of diaspora Armenian youth, the preparations for the eighth anniversary of Armenia's independence began. On 21 September, the anniversary of the day in 1991 when Armenians voted in favor of leaving the Soviet Union in a referendum, a military parade was held in Yerevan's Republic Square. Vazgen Sargsyan "was visibly the most excited of the government leaders standing on a specially built pedestal". In a short briefing after the parade, Sargsyan enthusiastically stated that he had "touched almost every piece of hardware you've just seen" and continued that he "just wanted to show it" to the Armenian people. During the next two days, on 22 and 23 September 1999, the first Armenia-Diaspora Conference was held in Yerevan. The conference brought together the Armenian political elite and many diaspora organizations, political parties, religious leaders, writers and over 1,200 representatives of Armenian communities from 53 countries, an unprecedented number. Vazgen Sargsyan opened the second day of the conference with his speech-report about the economic and social situation in Armenia. The conference was closed by Sargsyan. ==Death==

On 27 October 1999, at around 5:15 pm,—armed with Kalashnikov rifles hidden under long coats, They described their act as "patriotic" and "needed for the nation to regain its senses". They claimed Armenia was in a "catastrophic situation" and that "corrupt officials" were not doing anything to provide the way out. Anna Israelyan, an eyewitness journalist, stated that "the first shots were fired directly at Vazgen Sargsyan at a distance of one to two meters" and, in her words, "it was impossible that he would have survived." Sargsyan's body was taken out of the parliament building on the evening of 27 October. The state funeral ceremony for the victims of the parliament shooting took place from 30 to 31 October 1999. The bodies of the victims, including Vazgen Sargsyan, were placed inside the Yerevan Opera Theater. A number of high-ranking officials from some 30 countries, including Russian prime minister Vladimir Putin and the Georgian president Eduard Shevardnadze, attended the funeral. Karekin II, the Catholicos of All Armenians and Aram I, the Catholicos of the Holy See of Cilicia gave prayers. Investigation and conspiracy theories The five men were charged with terrorism aimed at undermining authority on 29 October. The investigation was led by Gagik Jhangiryan, the chief military prosecutor of Armenia, who claimed his team was looking for the masterminds of the shooting even after the trial had begun. According to Jhangiryan, the investigating team considered more than a dozen theories. By January 2000, Jhangiryan's investigators considered the connection of Kocharyan and his circle to the parliament shooting. Several figures close to Kocharyan were arrested, including Aleksan Harutiunyan, the deputy presidential adviser, and Harutiun Harutiunyan, the deputy director of the Public Television of Armenia, but they were released by the summer of that year. The trial began in February 2001 and eventually, the five main perpetrators of the shooting (Nairi Hunanyan, his younger brother Karen Hunanyan, their uncle Vram Galstyan, Derenik Ejanyan and Eduard Grigoryan) were sentenced to life in prison on 2 December 2003. was the National Security Minister at the time of the shooting. A number of conspiracy theories developed about possible motives and architects behind the attack. Stepan Demirchyan, Karen Demirchyan's son, stated in 2009 that "nothing was done by the authorities to prevent that crime and, conversely, everything was done to cover up the crime." Although the investigation did not find any considerable evidence linking Kocharyan to the Hunanyan group, many Armenian politicians and analysts believe that President Robert Kocharyan and National Security Minister Serzh Sargsyan were behind the assassination of Vazgen Sargsyan and other leading politicians. Former mayor of Yerevan Albert Bazeyan stated in 2002 that "We have come to the conclusion that the crime was aimed at making Robert Kocharian's power unlimited and uncontrolled. By physically eliminating Karen Demirchyan and Vazgen Sargsyan, its organizers wanted to create prerequisites for Kocharyan's victory in the future presidential elections." Russian secret service defector Alexander Litvinenko accused the Main Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation of having organised the Armenian parliament shooting, ostensibly to derail the peace process, which would have resolved the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, but he offered no evidence to support the accusation. Russian and Armenian officials denied this claims. The French-based Armenian political refugee and former Apostolic priest Artsruni Avetisysan (also known by his religious name Ter Girgor) gave an interview to Armenian media network A1plus, in which he claimed the Russian secret services were behind the 27 October 1999, shooting. He also claimed the shooting was perpetrated by Lieutenant General Vahan Shirkhanyan, the Deputy Minister of Defense from 1992 to 1999, and the National Security Minister Serzh Sargsyan. He insisted the shooting was assisted by the Russian secret services to bring the "Neo-Bolshevik criminal clan" of Serzh Sargsyan and Robert Kocharyan into power. Others suggested that it was in the best interest of the West to remove Sargsyan and Demirchyan from the political scene, as they had close ties to Russia. Manucharyan claimed the shooting was planned by Kocharyan to get rid of his two major rivals (Sargsyan and Demirchyan), who were against the Goble plan, involving territorial concessions to Azerbaijan. Aftermath Just after the shooting, the Interior and National Security Ministers Suren Abrahamyan and Serzh Sargsyan resigned as a result of pressure from the Defence Ministry, led by Sargsyan's ally, Vagharshak Harutiunyan at the time. From early June to late October 1999, the political system in Armenia was based on the Demirchyan-Sargsyan tandem, which controlled the military, the legislative and the executive branches. The assassinations disrupted the political balance in the country and the political arena of Armenia was left in disarray for months. James R. Hughes claims that the so-called "Karabakh clan" (i.e. Robert Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan) was "kept in check" by Vazgen Sargsyan and his "military-security apparatus," while after the parliament shooting it came to be the sole influential group able to successfully take over the political scene in Armenia. Since the leaders of the Unity bloc were assassinated, the two parties in the alliance (the Republican Party of Armenia and the People's Party of Armenia) gradually ceased collaborating and by late 2000, the Unity bloc collapsed. Yerkrapah, the Republican Party, and the People's Party effectively lost their influence by 2001. ==Personal life and brothers==

Sargsyan never married. According to Razmik Martirosyan, a friend and the Minister of Social Security from 1999 to 2003, Sargsyan promised in December 1987 that he would marry sometime before 8 March of the next year, but did not because the Karabakh movement started in February. In a 1997 interview, Sargsyan revealed that his favorite historical military figure was Charles de Gaulle. When asked about what kind of Armenia he would like to see in five years, he said "an independent, self-sufficient country with strong culture, school and army". , Vazgen Sargsyan's brother Sargsyan had two younger brothers, Aram and Armen. Aram was appointed prime minister by President Kocharyan on 3 November 1999, a week after Vazgen Sargsyan's death, largely as a "political gesture". He admitted that Armenia has "no concept of state security" and that fact led to the assassination of his brother. Aram Sargsyan served in the position of the prime minister for only six months. He was dismissed by Kocharyan on 2 May 2000, due to "inability to work" with Sargsyan's cabinet. In his television statement, Kocharyan claimed that he relieved Aram Sargsyan to end the "disarray" in the Armenian leadership. Kocharyan blamed him for being involved in "political games". Aram Sargsyan founded the Hanrapetutyun Party in April 2001, along with several influential Yerkrapah members, such as the former mayor of Yerevan Albert Bazeyan and former defence minister Vagharshak Harutyunyan. Its co-founder Bazeyan stated that the party is the "bearer of the political heritage of Vazgen Sargsian and will try to realize the programs aborted by the October 27 crime and its consequences". The party backed up Stepan Demirchyan against Kocharyan in 2003 and Levon Ter-Petrosyan against Serzh Sargsyan in the 2008 presidential elections. On 5 March 2013, Aram Sargsyan was asked about his brother Armen's political stance, to which he responded, "I would very much like to ask Vazgen that question. I don't know what he would have answered. There are very few questions to which I don't know what Vazgen's answer would be. Unfortunately, our friends and relatives are not always the way we want them to be. I am not the first one, neither am I the last one; the history of the world is full of such examples starting from the Bible." ==Legacy and tribute==

Vazgen Sargsyan was awarded the title Hero of Artsakh, the highest award of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, in 1998. He widely is recognized as the founder of the Armenian army. A presidential decree issued on 28 December 1999 renamed the Yerevan Military Academy to the Vazgen Sargsyan Military University in his honor. The Republican Stadium in Yerevan was named after Vazgen Sargsyan by the same decree. The 8th Separate Motorized Rifle Brigade of the Artsakh Defence Army is named after him. Numerous streets in Armenia and Karabakh, and in Stepanakert, and a park in Kapan are named after Sargsyan. Statues or busts have been erected in his honor in Yerevan (2007), Ararat (2009), Vanadzor, Kapan (2015), Vagharshapat (Ejmiatsin, 2015), Shushi (Shushi) and other locations. In 2000, 27 October was declared a day of remembrance by the Armenian government. In 2002, the Armenian Defence Ministry created the Medal of Vazgen Sargsyan, which is awarded for "meritorious services towards military education and improvements in service life". Every year, on 5 March (his birthday) and 27 October (the day of his assassination), Sargsyan is commemorated in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. His comrades from the Yerkrapah Volunteer Union, high state officials and many others visit the Yerablur cemetery, where Sargsyan is buried next to many Armenian military figures. Vazgen Sargsyan's museum was opened in his hometown of Ararat on 5 March 2001 by the decision made by the Armenian government. Notable attendees of the opening ceremony of the museum included Prime Minister Andranik Margaryan, National Assembly Speaker Armen Khachatryan, Defence Minister Serzh Sargsyan, and other high-ranking military and diplomatic representatives, such as the former Russian minister of defence Pavel Grachev, who revealed in his speech at the ceremony that Sargsyan was once his student. Sargsyan is often referred to as Sparapet, a military rank that has existed since the ancient Kingdom of Armenia. The phrase (literally meaning 'Supreme Commander of the Armenians') is engraved on Sargsyan's memorial in Yerablur cemetery. The song "Sparapet" by Alla Levonyan is dedicated to his memory. Public image and recognition {{quote box In Armenia, Nagorno-Karabakh and, to a lesser extent, in the Armenian diaspora, Sargsyan is widely considered a charismatic leader. He was generally perceived as a man of "tremendous power and charisma," known for his "brutality, temper, and nonchalant attitude toward the law". His contributions have been acknowledged by his colleagues and comrades. In 1997, President Ter-Petrosyan stated that Sargsyan is someone who deserves the title of National Hero of Armenia. He added that "if all members of our government worked as conscientiously and selflessly as Vazgen Sargsyan, we would live in a perfect state." Armenia's second president Robert Kocharyan said in his speech during Sargsyan's funeral, "history will provide its assessment of Vazgen Sargsyan as a politician who stood at the birth of the Armenian state. His role in the creation of the national army is beyond appraisal. By his life and commitment, Vazgen Sargsyan has made an immense contribution to the establishment of a powerful country." (Shushi), vandalized and destroyed after the 2020 war. Manvel Grigoryan, leader of the Yerkrapah Volunteer Union, recognized Sargsyan's contributions, stating that Sargsyan "was a strong individual and his greatness was felt not only during the war, but during the nation-building years after the war". According to Grigoryan "his presence was enough for the foreign leaders to become vigilant." Dr. Ara Sanjian, the director of the Armenian Studies at the Haigazian University, wrote shortly after Sargsyan's assassination: In the West, Sargsyan was generally described as a hard nationalist. The British journalist Jonathan Steele wrote of Sargsyan as "a fierce nationalist who always preferred action and force to words and diplomacy". Encyclopædia Britannica describes Sargsyan as an "Armenian nationalist who devoted much of his life to the Armenian fight with Azerbaijan for control of the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave". Political scientist Razmik Panossian expressed the opinion that he was "the last significant nationalist politician whose commitment to Karabakh and Armenia was not doubted by anyone". Criticism Sargsyan was criticized for being undemocratic, particularly for using his influence in pre-determining the election results. carried out, allegedly, by Yerkrapah. Thomas de Waal describes Sargsyan as an "emerging feudal baron." The Yerkrapah, founded by Sargsyan, "took over large areas of the economy." Astourian quoted David Petrosyan, a columnist for the news agency and a "thoughtful observer of Armenia's political life", as claiming that Sargsyan "controlled part of the local market in oil products, part of the incomes generated from transport junctions and the greater part of bread production." According to Philip Remler, Sargsyan was one of the prime beneficiaries of the illicit income from the Iran-Armenia border and the "godfather of cross-border trade and contraband". ==See also==