, Maj. Gen. L. S. Kuter, Admiral E. J. King, General George C. Marshall, Ambassador Averell Harriman, Admiral William Leahy, and President F. D. Roosevelt. Livadia Palace, Crimea,
RSFSR By the time of the Yalta Conference, the Western Allies had liberated all of
France and
Belgium and were fighting on the western border of Germany. In the east, Soviet forces were from Berlin, having already pushed back the Germans from
Poland,
Romania, and
Bulgaria. There was no longer a question regarding German defeat. The issue was the new shape of postwar Europe. The French leader General
Charles de Gaulle was not invited to either the Yalta or
Potsdam Conferences, a diplomatic slight that was the occasion for deep and lasting resentment. De Gaulle attributed his exclusion from Yalta to the longstanding personal antagonism towards him by Roosevelt, but the Soviets had also objected to his inclusion as a full participant. However, the absence of French representation at Yalta also meant that extending an invitation for de Gaulle to attend the Potsdam Conference would have been highly problematic since he would have felt honor-bound to insist that all issues agreed at Yalta in his absence be reopened. The initiative for calling a second "Big Three" conference had come from Roosevelt, who hoped for a meeting before the
US presidential elections in November 1944 but pressed for a meeting early in 1945 at a neutral location in the Mediterranean. Malta, Cyprus, Sicily, Athens, and Jerusalem were all suggested. Stalin, insisting that his doctors opposed any long trips, rejected those options. He proposed instead for them to meet at the
Black Sea resort of Yalta in the Crimea. Stalin's fear of flying also was a contributing factor in the decision. Each of the three leaders had his own agenda for postwar Germany and liberated Europe. Roosevelt wanted Soviet support in the
Pacific War against
Japan, specifically for the planned invasion of Japan (
Operation August Storm), as well as Soviet participation in the
United Nations. Churchill pressed for free elections and democratic governments in Central and Eastern Europe, specifically Poland. Stalin demanded a Soviet
sphere of political influence in Eastern and Central Europe as an essential aspect of the Soviets' national security strategy, and his position at the conference was felt by him to be so strong that he could dictate terms. According to US delegation member and future Secretary of State
James F. Byrnes, "it was not a question of what we would let the Russians do, but what we could get the Russians to do". Poland was the first item on the Soviet agenda. Stalin stated, "For the Soviet government, the question of Poland was one of honor" and security because Poland had served as a historical corridor for forces attempting to invade Russia. In addition, Stalin stated regarding history that "because the Russians had greatly sinned against Poland", "the Soviet government was trying to atone for those sins". One Soviet precondition for a declaration of war against Japan was an American official recognition of the Mongolian independence from China (the
Mongolian People's Republic had been a Soviet satellite state from 1924 to World War II). The Soviets also wanted the recognition of Soviet interests in the
Chinese Eastern Railway and
Port Arthur but not asking the Chinese to lease. The Soviets wanted the return of
South Sakhalin, which had been taken from Russia by Japan in the
Russo-Japanese War in 1905, and the cession of the
Kuril Islands by Japan, both of which were approved by the other Allies. In return, Stalin pledged that the Soviet Union would
enter the Pacific War three months after the defeat of Germany. The fate of
Korea is not mentioned in the records of demands and concessions at Yalta. However, several declassified documents later revealed that on 8 February, while Churchill was not present, Roosevelt and Stalin secretly discussed the peninsula. Roosevelt brought up the idea of putting Korea into a trusteeship divided among the Soviets, the Americans, and the Chinese for a period of 20 to 30 years. He expressed reluctance to invite the British to the trusteeship, but Stalin reportedly replied that the British "would most certainly be offended. In fact, the Prime Minister might 'kill us. Roosevelt agreed with the assessment. Stalin suggested the trusteeship be as short as possible. The two quickly agreed that their troops should not be stationed in Korea. Korea was not discussed again throughout the conference. The Soviet Army had occupied Poland completely and held much of Eastern Europe with a military power three times greater than Allied forces in the West. The Declaration of Liberated Europe did little to dispel the sphere of influence agreements, which had been incorporated into armistice agreements. All three leaders ratified the agreement of the
European Advisory Commission setting the boundaries of
postwar occupation zones for Germany with three zones of occupation, one for each of the three principal Allies. They also agreed to give France a zone of occupation carved out of the US and UK zones, but De Gaulle maintained the principle of refusing to accept that the French zone would be defined by boundaries established in his absence. He thus ordered French forces to occupy
Stuttgart in addition to the lands earlier agreed upon as comprising the French occupation zone. He only withdrew when threatened with the suspension of essential American economic supplies. Churchill at Yalta then argued that the French also needed to be a full member of the proposed
Allied Control Council for Germany. Stalin resisted that until Roosevelt backed Churchill's position, but Stalin still remained adamant that the French should not be admitted to full membership of the Allied Reparations Commission to be established in Moscow and relented only at the
Potsdam Conference. Also, the Big Three agreed that all original governments would be restored to the invaded countries, with the exceptions of Romania, Bulgaria and Poland, whose government-in-exile was also excluded by Stalin, and that all of their civilians would be repatriated. There were also discussions on the
Middle East and the issue of
Palestine, whereby Roosevelt supported the creation of a new
Jewish state in Palestine, believing that it would be a model of social justice and would raise the standard of living in the region, over the opposition of
King Ibn Saud of
Saudi Arabia. Roosevelt cited the views of
Walter C. Lowdermilk that Palestine could absorb many millions more people. Prior to the conference,
Secretary of State Edward Stettinius Jr. urged Roosevelt not to make any decisions about Palestine without Soviet approval as they might use it to gain influence in the Middle East, and instead try to win agreement from the British and the Soviets on a policy that considered the interests of both Arabs and Jews and avoid uncritical support for
Zionism. However, at the conference, Stalin did not object to Roosevelt's goals and Churchill gave informal support in exchange for refraining discussions on the
White Paper of 1939.
Declaration of Liberated Europe The Declaration of Liberated Europe was created by Winston Churchill, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Joseph Stalin during the Yalta Conference. It was a promise that allowed the people of Europe "to create democratic institutions of their own choice". The declaration pledged "the earliest possible establishment through free elections governments responsive to the will of the people". That is similar to the statements of the
Atlantic Charter for "the right of all people to choose the form of government under which they will live".
Key points The key points of the meeting were as follows: • Agreement to the priority of the
unconditional surrender of
Nazi Germany. After the war, Germany and Berlin would be split into four occupied zones. • Stalin agreed that France would have a
fourth occupation zone in Germany if it was formed from the American and the British zones. • Germany would undergo
demilitarization and
denazification. At the Yalta Conference, the Allies decided to provide safeguards against a potential military revival of Germany, to eradicate German militarism and the
Nazi general staff, to bring about the
denazification of Germany, to punish the war criminals and to disarm and demilitarise Germany. • German
war reparations were partly to be in the form of
forced labor. The forced labour was to be used to repair damage that Germany had inflicted on its victims. However, laborers were also forced to harvest crops, mine uranium, and do other work (see also
Forced labor of Germans after World War II and
Forced labor of Germans in the Soviet Union). • Creation of a reparation council which would be located in the Soviet Union. • The status of Poland was discussed. The recognition of the communist
Provisional Government of the Republic of Poland, which had been installed by the Soviet Union "on a broader democratic basis", was agreed to. • The Polish eastern border would follow the
Curzon Line, and Poland would receive territorial compensation in the west from Germany. • Stalin pledged to permit free elections in Poland. • Roosevelt obtained a commitment by Stalin to participate in the
United Nations. • Stalin requested that all of the 16
Soviet Socialist Republics would be granted
UN membership. That was taken into consideration, but 14 republics were denied; Roosevelt and Churchill agreed to membership for
Ukraine and
Byelorussia. While Roosevelt requested additional votes, with Churchill agreeing in principle and Stalin suggesting two addition votes so as to be equal to the Soviet Union, the United States ultimately did not request more than one vote. • Stalin agreed to enter the fight against the
Empire of Japan "in two or three months after Germany has surrendered and the war in Europe is terminated". As a result, the Soviets would take possession of Southern Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands, the port of
Dalian would be internationalized, and the Soviet lease of Port Arthur would be restored, among other concessions. • For the
bombing of Japan, agreement was reached on basing
U.S. Army Air Force B-29s near the mouth of the
Amur River in the
Komsomolsk-
Nikolaevsk area (not near
Vladivostok, as had earlier been proposed), but that did not eventuate. General
Aleksei Antonov also said that the Red Army would take the southern half of
Sakhalin Island as one of its first objectives and that American assistance to defend
Kamchatka would be desirable. •
Nazi war criminals were to be found and put on trial in the territories in which their crimes had been committed. Nazi leaders were to be executed. • A "Committee on Dismemberment of Germany" was to be set up. Its purpose was to decide whether Germany was to be divided into several nations. Some examples of partition plans are shown below: File:Map-Germany-1945.svg | The eventual partition of Germany into
Allied Occupation Zones: File:Duitslandchurchill_eng.png | Partition plan from Winston Churchill: File:Morgenthau Plan map.svg |
Morgenthau Plan:
Democratic elections The Big Three further agreed that democracies would be established, all liberated European and former Axis satellite countries would hold free elections and that order would be restored. In that regard, they promised to rebuild occupied countries by processes that will allow them "to create democratic institutions of their own choice. This is a principle of the Atlantic Charter – the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live." Regarding Poland, the Yalta report further stated that the provisional government should "be pledged to the holding of free and unfettered elections as soon as possible on the basis of universal suffrage and secret ballot". The final agreement stipulated that "the Provisional Government which is now functioning in Poland should therefore be reorganized on a broader democratic basis with the inclusion of democratic leaders from Poland and from Poles abroad". The language of Yalta conceded predominance of the pro-Soviet Lublin government in a provisional government but a reorganized one. ==Aftermath==