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Zamfir Arbore

Zamfir Constantin Arbore was a Bukovinian-born Romanian political activist originally active in the Russian Empire, also known for his work as an amateur historian, geographer and ethnographer. Arbore debuted in left-wing politics from early in life, gained an intimate knowledge of the Russian revolutionary milieu, and participated in both nihilist and Narodnik conspiracies. Self-exiled to Switzerland, he became a member of the International Workingmen's Association. Arbore was mostly active as an international anarchist and a disciple of Mikhail Bakunin, but eventually parted with the latter to create his independent group, the Revolutionary Community. He was subsequently close to the anarchist geographer Élisée Reclus, who became his new mentor.

Biography
Origins and early life Zamfir Ralli was the scion of boyar aristocracy from the principality of Moldavia: his paternal grandfather Zamfirache Ralli was an ennobled Greek merchant, married into the local Romanian elite; Zamfir's mother was an ethnic Ukrainian. Although cosmopolitan, the future activist always prioritized his Romanian roots, changing his birth name to Arbore (var. Arbure) in the belief that his Romanian ancestors had inherited the name and boyar status from the ancient Arbore family. Zamfirache's son Constantin, the friend of poet Alexander Pushkin, was reputedly adopted by Dimitrie Arbore. He also inherited the Ralli family mansion, a Bessarabian manorial estate in Dolna, which in the 1820s had served as the Pushkin's vacation house. and present-day museum in Dolna, Moldova The subsequent genealogical claim traced the family history back to the late 15th century, with Hetman Luca Arbore. The claim's reliability divides modern researchers. While historian of journalism Victor Frunză sees Arbore as descending "from an ancient family of local boyars", academic Lucian Boia describes Zamfir Arbore as being tied to the historical Arbores by "a rather thin line". According to political scientist Armand Goșu, Arbore had effectively "stolen" his grandmother's maiden name, reviving an otherwise extinct boyar line. He later moved into Bessarabia (the Russian-ruled Bessarabian Governorate), attending school in Kishinev (Chișinău), before moving to another school in Nikolayev. His political sympathies also connected him with the Narodnik movement, which he joined at the same time as other young Bessarabian intellectuals (Victor Crăsescu, Axinte Frunză, Constantin Stere, Nicolae Zubcu-Codreanu) who saw a link between their nationalist struggle and the agrarian cause of Russian Narodniks (he is believed to have been personally acquainted with the agrarian theorist and Narodnik father figure Alexander Herzen). Unable to finish his studies, Arbore was singled out for arrest, and according to his own account, since placed under doubt, Eventually, he made his way to Switzerland, where he contacted international anarchist figures such as Mikhail Bakunin and Élisée Reclus. Arbore corresponded with the latter for a significant period, sharing his interest in social geography. His complex relationship with radical exiles also resulted in contacts with anarcho-communist theorist Peter Kropotkin and the Bulgarian anarchist sympathizer Hristo Botev. He was also, with philosopher Vasile Conta, one of the few intellectuals with a Romanian background to affiliate directly with the International Workingmen's Association (First International), which regrouped the various Marxist and anarchist communities of Europe. In tandem, Arbore was active within Bakunin's Revolutionary Brotherhood, and, according to anarchist historian George Woodcock, one of the "most influential" among the Russian propagators of Bakuninism; political historian James H. Billington also refers to "Zemfiry Ralli" as "Bakunin's principal editor". Arbore's beliefs led him to join the Jura federation, an anarchist cell within the First International, Also in 1872, Arbore also helped draft the German-language pamphlet which documented Bakunin's condemnation of Nechayev: Ist Netshaejeff ein politischer Verbrecher oder nicht? ("Is Nechayev a Political Felon, or Is He Not?"). With Bakunin and Errico Malatesta, he was personally involved in the anarchist agitation sweeping Restoration Spain during the 1870s: he personally helped translate Bakunin's letter to the Iberian anarchists, but their hopes of inciting a new revolution were unsuccessful; progressively after that moment, Arbore and Bakunin grew estranged from one another. Moving from Zurich to Geneva, and known primarily as Ralli, Arbore ran a socialist publishing house, through which he helped popularize the political manifestos of anarchism, as well as his own history of the Paris Commune. He was among those who established, in 1875, the Genevan Russian-language newspaper Rabotnik ("The Worker"), which bridged the "young Bakuninist" faction with the Eser Party of Vera Figner and Reclus' St. Imier International. One of his colleagues there, future astronomer Nikolai Alexandrovich Morozov, recalled that Arbore was actively involved in redacting news arriving from Russia, manipulating them for dramatic effect and political conformity. In 1875, he also wrote and published the anarchist tract Sytye i golodnye ("The Sated and the Hungry"), as well as an appeal to Ukrainian peasants in the Russian Empire. The Swiss period was the start of his new family life. Arbore was by then married, to the Russian Ecaterina Hardina. The dowry she brought helped maintain his new publishing venture. His son Dumitru (Mitică) was born on 11 January 1877, in Geneva. Relocation to Romania Zamfir Arbore first set foot in Romania during 1873, when he traveled from Geneva to Iași, meeting with the young socialist sympathizer Eugen Lupu. Again in Switzerland, he took part in the violent Red Flag Riot of Bern, organized in 1877 by the anarchist dissidence of the International—allegedly, his life was saved by fellow anarchist Jacques Gross. In 1878, Arbore was also the editor of the international tribune of the Revolutionary Community, Obshchina ("Community"), which was published as a successor of Rabotnik. Reputedly threatened with an extradition back into the Russian Empire, Arbore's original goal was the spread of revolutionary propaganda among soldiers in the Imperial Russian Army, but, in short time, he settled down in Bucharest. It was there that Arbore fathered a second daughter, Lolica, who died without reaching maturity. Arbore later set up, with fellow exiles Dobrogeanu-Gherea, Zubcu-Codreanu, Pavel Axelrod and Nikolai Sudzilovsky (Russel), an underground political movement agitating for the cause of Bessarabian Romanians; by means of this group, he is said to have gained access within the governing National Liberal Party, even earning discreet support from two of its leading figures, Ion Brătianu and C. A. Rosetti (father of Mircea Rosetti). Arbore would later speak of Brătianu as a discreet supporter of his projects to undermine Russian governments. Additionally, C. A. Rosetti is alleged to have personally assisted Arbore and Zubcu-Codreanu, who shared a Bucharest apartment, from evading both the persistent scrutiny of Romanian Police forces and the threat of extradition. Three years later, when Dobrogeanu-Gherea escaped back to Romania, Arbore helped him set up a restaurant in Ploiești station, from which Gherea supported his family. Another National Liberal figure, the Bessarabian historian Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu, also cultivated a friendship with Arbore. According to Arbore's own recollections, although he and Hasdeu had been separated by "political-social views", they had been brought together by the recent deaths of Iulia Hasdeu and Lolica Arbore. 1880s politics '', 1895 After the Trial of the Fourteen, the Revolutionary Community and all other Bakuninist groups were losing the battle in front of renewed Tsarist repression. Arbore, who now criticized Bakunian anarchism, quickly came to the conclusion that a socialist party was needed as a more radical alternative to the Romanian two-party system: in 1879, he helped organize the first-ever conference of Romanian socialist clubs, and, over the following months, was member of the editorial staff at România Viitoare, the socialist review (as a result of his participation, the magazine also enlisted contributions from Reclus and his brother Élie, as well as from poet Louis-Xavier de Ricard). The next year, he and the Nădejdes were briefly in contact with the senior political radical Titus Dunka, distributing for a while Dunka's gazette Înainte! ("Forward!"). In 1880, after a failed attempt on Ion Brătianu's life, the socialist circles faced government suspicion and became less organized, a situation which lasted until the election of 1888. At the time, Arbore was editor of Rosetti's democratic gazette Românul, and later moved to a similar position with the left-leaning newspaper Telegraful Român. At this stage, Arbore is believed to have helped other foreign-born socialists to find refuge in Romania: in particular to have assisted Peter (Petru) Alexandrov, the brother-in-law of writer Vladimir Korolenko, in obtaining a license to practice medicine in Tulcea and in defending himself during subsequent police inquiries. In 1881, he was himself naturalized a citizen of the newly proclaimed Kingdom of Romania. Arbore was, around 1890, a correspondent for Frédéric Damé's Bucharest newspaper La Liberté Roumaine, with exposé pieces on the kidnapping of junior Bulgarian Navy officer Vladimir Kisimov by Russian spies. His third daughter Nina, later known as a visual artist, was born in January 1888. The elder, Ecaterina, was already taking her first steps in socialist politics, as a delegate to the International Congress of Students, held in Giurgiu. As a socialist activist, he was coming to support the faction of Dobrogeanu-Gherea and Constantin Mille, who published Lumea Nouă review and ultimately set up the short-lived Romanian Social Democratic Workers' Party (PSDMR). Amicul Copiilor and scientific work From 1891 to 1898, he and Victor Crăsescu (who signed with the pen name Ștefan Basarabescu) were founders and managers of Amicul Copiilor ("The Children's Friend") magazine, which circulated classic works of children's literature Hasdeu, one of its main writers, is occasionally given credit as the person behind Amicul Copiilor. Hasdeu co-opted Arbore for the early 1899 project to create a professional association of writers as part of his Press Society (an actual Romanian Writers' Society was only created some 10 years later, after Hasdeu's death). As statistician, Arbore was in charge of Bucharest's Buletinul Statistic ("Statistical Bulletin") and of the City Hall Library, which under his direction acquired several thousands of new books. Beginning 1903, he also taught Russian at the Bucharest War School. In 1906, during the National Exhibit held in celebration of the Romanian Kingdom (and one year before the large-scale peasants' revolt), Arbore joined a scientific committee which supervised an academic inquiry into the state of Romanian peasants, whose main author was militant sociologist G. D. Scraba. 1905 Revolution shore, where Bessarabian villages had caught on fire (The Illustrated London News, January 1906) Before and during the Russian Revolution of 1905, Arbore was also involved in trafficking subversive works of literature over the Romanian–Russian border, hoping to encourage a rebellion among Bessarabian Romanian peasants and intellectuals. Theodor Inculeț, a theologian and political agitator, was one of his connections there. As Inculeț later wrote, the books "sent over by Arbure" were unequivocally "anti-Russian". An immediate predecessor for the legal Basarabia of 1906, it was noted for its radical support of Bessarabian autonomy, demands for universal suffrage, and adoption of a modern Romanian alphabet instead of traditional Moldavian Cyrillic letters. In its final issue, Arbore and Cazan's gazette published the program of an incipient National Moldavian Party. After the Revolution toned down repression, Arbore could also collaborate with the Saint Petersburg-based socialist magazine Byloye, which published his biographical sketch of Sergey Nechayev. The text, signed Zemfir Ralli Arbore, notably includes detail on Nechayev's isolated political outlook, which, Arbore argued, was linked directly to 18th century Jacobin theorists and agitators (Maximilien de Robespierre, Philippe Buonarroti) rather than to later socialist schools. The controversy drew attention from Romania's secret service, Siguranța Statului, whose agents suspected, probably without just cause, that Arbore maintained contacts with Madan over the following period. on the centenary of Bessarabia's occupation, he also addressed Romanian student organizations, informing them about the state of affairs in Russian dominions. His first-born daughter, who had by then made her first contributions to social medicine, became directly involved with the PSDR and the România Muncitoare club, and, also in 1912, was elected to the PSDR Executive Committee. Dumitru, who was a chemical engineer in the thriving oil industry, and Nina, a debuting painter, were also both affiliated with PSDR at a grassroots level. In 1912, Arbore translated and published for Minerva newspaper the 1886 manifesto "To the Romanian People", signed by Bulgarian revolutionary Zahari Stoyanov, in which Stoyanov spoke about his country's "moral duty" toward Romania and deplored the slow descent into ethnic rivalry. World War I controversies Arbore's activity as a publicist, activist and newspaperman flared up during the early stages of World War I, as Romania hesitated between joining the Entente Powers or honoring its loose commitment to the Central Powers, and in particular the German Empire. Like other Bessarabian exiles, Arbore objected to the first option, since it threw Romania into the same camp as the Russian Empire, opening the way for Russian domination in Romania, while leaving Bessarabia oppressed and Russified; he also identified the Ententist preoccupation with the Romanians of Transylvania and Bukovina as excessive, claiming that Austria-Hungary would inevitably transform itself into a democratic federation upon the end of war. These ideas made their way into his wartime articles for Seara newspaper and his standalone political essays: the 1914 Autonomia sau anexarea. Transilvania și Bucovina ("Autonomy or Annexation. Transylvania and Bukovina"), the 1915 Liberarea Basarabiei ("The Liberation of Bessarabia") and the 1916 Ukraina și România ("Ukraine and Romania"). Of these, Liberarea Basarabiei was printed with support from an eponymous political society, the League for the Liberation of Bessarabia. Arbore's stance was compatible with the PSDR's Zimmerwald neutralism: by 1915, Ecaterina Arbore was also noted for her political statements against a Russian alliance. Internationally, her father collaborated with Annales des Nationalités, the anti-imperialist periodical put out by Jean Pélissier and Juozas Gabrys. In summer 1916, Romania disappointed Arbore by rallying with the Entente. After a short-lived offensive into Transylvania, the Romanian Land Forces were defeated, and the Central Powers invaded southern Romania. Arbore stayed behind in German-occupied Bucharest while the legitimate government withdrew to Iași, and maintained a generally friendly but discreet attitude toward the occupiers. He was less active as a journalist and militant, but contributed to the Germanophile daily Lumina, put out by the Bessarabian activist Constantin Stere, and once lectured on the Bessarabian question during April 1918. Arbore also kept a low profile during the 1918 truce, when, with German acquiescence, Romania united with Bessarabia. Reputedly, Stere, who negotiated the union with the Bessarabian Assembly, mistrusted and sidelined Arbore during the events. Arbore was returning to a socialist discourse, probably rekindled and reshaped by news of the October Revolution in Russia. After being arrested several times, she made her may into the Soviet state. Arbore lost his Senate seat when Parliament was dissolved by King Ferdinand I; he soon after left the Peasants' Party, pushed into opposition, and was reelected to the Senate as a People's Party candidate in the summer 1920 election. Withdrawn from national politics, Arbore again focused on his journalist's activity and was at the forefront of Romanian Freemasonry. His membership in the local subsidiary of the Grand Orient de France was confirmed in December 1922 by Mihail Noradunghian, and he was recognized as a Rank 33 Mason, Worshipful Master of Human Rights Lodge (located in Bucharest). His own far left inclinations were by then contrasting with his civil service positions, which he maintained even as his daughter Ecaterina was becoming a persona non grata. In March 1924, he replaced Vasile Ghenzul as editorial director of Furnica ("The Ant"). The cooperativist and agrarian bimonthly was published in Bessarabia, and printed a Russian-language supplement. He was still a contributor to the central leftist press: in December 1926, Adevărul published his piece about the Serbian politician Nikola Pašić, defunct leader of the People's Radical Party. The Romanian authorities did not allow her entry into the country, and she was forced back. Zamfir and his wife had earlier adopted Dumitru's young child, Zamfir Dumitru Arbore. In tandem, his revolutionary past, in particular his early dealings with Hristo Botev, were also the subject of interviews with journalist Vasile Christu. His own output as a researcher included an undated monograph on his friend and ally Zubcu-Codreanu, who had died in 1878 (O pagină din istoria socialismului român, "A Page in the History of Romanian Socialism"), as well as the collected memoirs: Temniță și exil ("Prison and Exile") and În exil. Amintirile mele ("In Exile. My Memories"). Zamfir Arbore died in Bucharest, on 2 or 3 April 1933. He was buried at Sfânta Vineri Cemetery, alongside Ecaterina, Dumitru, and Lolica Arbore. Paradoxically, his funeral ceremony comprised both the military honors owed to his position in the War School and revolutionary orations given in tribute by his socialist comrades. The socialist tribune Societatea de Mâine published an obituary, which referred to Arbore as "one of the highest profile representative figures [in socialism], and one of the most worthy examples for all people-loving generations to follow." == Political and scientific theories ==
Political and scientific theories
Arbore's political program Despite official promotion, Zamfir Arbore had serious trouble integrating his views within the political landscape of 20th century Romania. His Narodnik ideals subsided with time: according to literary historian Leonid Cemortan, Arbore was "totally defeated" in his Narodnik activity, realized that it was an "unattainable dream", but was nonetheless unable to "verify and correct" his vision. Its demand for self-governance around an enlarged Sfat ("Assembly") referred back to promises made upon the creation of a Bessarabian Governorate. Political analysts Mihai Cernencu and Igor Boțan suggest that the political doctrine supported by Basarabia was at once an early instance of Bessarabian liberalism and a regional affiliation to the Constitutional Democratic Party, somewhat permeated by the doctrines of social democracy. Arbore's main research on Bessarabian history and local geography fused scientific and political objectives. Allegedly inspired by the similar interests of Élisée Reclus, Dicționar geografic al Basarabiei was the first-ever actual Bessarabian gazetteer. Overall, the politicized aspect of his contribution also had negative connotations. According to literary critic Bogdan Crețu (who builds on the conclusions of literary historian Leonte Ivanov), Arbore was also responsible for circulating a stereotyped image of the Russian Empire and its inhabitants. Before 1914, Arbore made accusatory claims about Russification and the Russian Orthodox Church expansion into Bessarabia: depicting the Russian Synod as a heretical, non-Orthodox, institution, he argued that church officials were burning Romanian books for heating. However, as early as 1912, Arbore was envisaging a general rising against Russia, also involving the Poles and the Finns. Arbore's political theory was later expanded into a Germanophile manifesto: Arbore claimed that Romania's only option was to rally with "Russia's enemies" on the Eastern Front, limiting European Russia to the "ethnographic" borders of ancient Muscovy; the alternative, he warned, was that the muscălime ("Moskals") would in the long run annex Romania and all her irredenta. According to Lucian Boia, Arbore's public stances under the actual German occupation were surprisingly toned down. His one article for Lumina (November 1917) reviewed the Russian issue in quite different terms, prophesying that a multinational federation could be effected around the Russian Provisional Government. His 1918 public lectures on Bessarabia were focused on geographic and statistical information—"one would have expected more", Boia notes. Arbore was more outspoken during the interwar period: his December 1918 speech demanded the guarantee of minority rights in Greater Romania, saluted the policies of Soviet Russia as a liberating force, and predicted a Bolshevik victory in the Russian Civil War. On the occasion, Arbore also demanded the release of Socialist Party activists held in Romanian custody, as well as the freeing of Transylvanian collaborationist Slavici. == Legacy ==
Legacy
Impact in academia As both a historical figure and a historian, Zamfir Arbore received mixed reviews from other academics. His Viața Basarabiei partner Pan Halippa noted that Arbore's historical but minor merit in opposing "Russification" was equivalent to that of other Bessarabian boyars and writers from various epochs: Stere, Alecu Donici, Alexandru Hâjdeu, Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu and Constantin Stamati. Although an ideological adversary of Arbore, Nicolae Iorga similarly referred to his Bessarabian colleague as a pioneer of Romanian Bessarabian activism. Sociologist Henri H. Stahl focused instead on Arbore's contributions as a scientist. Stahl discusses him and Stere, alongside theorist Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea and Nicolae Zubcu-Codreanu, as one of the most important intellectuals in the group of ex-Narodniks who contributed to the left-wing school of social sciences in Romania. A more controversial aspect of Arbore's legacy is an enduring accusation of plagiarism: his works are alleged to have borrowed the research of various other authors, to whom Arbore did not give proper credit. One of the earliest historiographic works to trace Arbore's lifelong socialist militancy was authored shortly before its subject died, in 1933. Authored by I. C. Atanasiu, it was titled Mișcarea socialistă ("The Socialist Movement"). The same year, an account of his activities in Geneva was published as part of Pavel Axelrod's book of memoirs. As an author, Zamfir Arbore was somewhat tolerated in the Soviet Union and its Moldavian SSR, created in 1940 by the Soviet occupation of Bessarabia. In the late 1940s, his name was included on a long list of authors officially banned by the Soviet censorship apparatus. However, in later years he was officially quoted and praised, one of the few exceptions to the rule which put limits on the popularization of Romanian literature (unlike Stere, whose work were still banned). In Romania, Arbore was survived by daughter Nina (d. 1942). Known as the Romanian student of Henri Matisse, she maintained an interest in moderate leftist causes, joining the group formed around Cuvântul Liber newspaper. Her nephew Zamfir Dumitru Arbore fought against Nazi Germany in World War II, receiving Steaua României. His name was assigned to streets in both Chișinău and Bucharest. His Dolna manor is preserved as a museum. Writing in 1994, American historian Keith Hitchins reviewed Basarabia în secolul XIX as "an old, in some ways classic" and "still useful" Romanian study of the Bessarabian question. Arbore's 2009 biography at the anarchist Kate Sharpley Library focuses on his revolutionary career rather than his other commitments, claiming that the Romanian reviews of his nationalist policies, beginning with Nicolae Iorga's texts, are "mystification", and noting that his activities in Greater Romania "remain to be investigated". According to the same source, an English translation of Temniță și exil was in progress, and considered for publication with Canada's Black Cat Press. == Notes ==
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