1968 Democratic National Convention

The Democratic Party, which controlled the House, the Senate, and the White House in 1968, was divided. Senator Eugene McCarthy entered the campaign in November 1967, challenging incumbent President Lyndon Johnson for the Democratic nomination. Senator Robert F. Kennedy entered the race in March 1968. Johnson, facing dissent within his party, never entered the 1968 race but won the New Hampshire presidential primary in March 1968 as a write-in candidate; he then announced on March 31 that he would not seek re-election. The Wisconsin primary was scheduled for April 2, and public opinion polls showed Johnson as third in the race, behind McCarthy and Kennedy. In his television address announcing his withdrawal from the presidential race, Johnson also announced the United States would stop bombing North Vietnam north of the 19th parallel and was willing to open peace talks. On April 27 Vice President Hubert Humphrey entered the race but did not compete in any primaries; instead he inherited the delegates previously pledged to Johnson and then collected delegates in caucus states, especially in caucuses controlled by local Democratic bosses. Vietnam War peace talks had begun in Paris on May 13, 1968, but almost immediately became deadlocked as Xuan Thuy, the head of the North Vietnamese delegation, demanded that the U.S. give a promise to unconditionally stop bombing North Vietnam, a demand rejected by W. Averell Harriman of the American delegation. From the start of the bombing under Operation Rolling Thunder in 1965, the North Vietnamese had demanded the U.S. unconditionally halt the bombing as the first step towards peace. It soon became apparent that no progress would be possible in Paris until the U.S. promised to unconditionally cease bombing, as the talks floundered on that issue through the spring, summer and fall of 1968. Kennedy's murder left his delegates uncommitted. Support within the Democratic Party was divided between McCarthy, who ran a decidedly anti-war campaign and was seen as the peace candidate; Humphrey, who was seen as the candidate representing the more hawkish Johnson point of view; and Senator George McGovern, who appealed to some of Kennedy's supporters. When Vice President Humphrey arrived in Chicago, Daley was not at the airport to greet him, instead sending a police bagpipe band to welcome him. As Humphrey was driven to the Conrad Hilton hotel, he noticed that no one in the streets cheered him, in marked contrast to the arrival of McCarthy, who had been greeted by 5,000 cheering supporters. ==Convention==

The convention was among the most tense and confrontational political conventions ever in American history, marked by fierce debate and protest over the Vietnam peace talks and controversy over the heavy-handed police tactics of the convention's host, Mayor Richard J. Daley of Chicago. The keynote speaker was Senator Daniel Inouye of Hawaii. Before the start of the convention on August 26, several states had competing slates of delegates attempting to be seated at the convention. Some of these delegate credential fights went to the floor of the convention on August 26, where votes were held to determine which slates of delegates representing Texas, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and North Carolina would be seated at the convention. The more racially integrated challenging slate from Texas was defeated. The Conrad Hilton Hotel served as the headquarters hotel for the convention. Vietnam war plank and Johnson's influence Within the convention, tensions arose between pro-war and anti-war Democrats. One of the principal issues at the peace talks in Paris was the North Vietnamese demand that the U.S. unconditionally cease bombing North Vietnam before discussing any other matters. The more dovish Democrats favored the North Vietnamese demand while more hawkish Democrats demanded the North Vietnamese promise to close the Ho Chi Minh Trail as the price of a bombing pause, a demand the North Vietnamese rejected. Vice President Humphrey, confronted with a divided party, attempted to craft a party platform that would appeal to both factions, calling for a bombing pause that "took into account, most importantly, the risk to American troops as well as the response from Hanoi." Humphrey's platform tacitly implied that he would order a complete bombing pause if elected. Anticipating the "Vietnamization" strategy later carried out by Richard Nixon, Humphrey's platform called for the "de-Americanization" of the war as the U.S. gradually pulled American troops out from South Vietnam and shifted the burden of fighting back to the South Vietnamese. Johnson, despite spending the week at his Texas ranch, maintained tight control over the proceedings, going so far as to have the Federal Bureau of Investigation illegally tap Humphrey's telephones to find out his plans. Humphrey previewed his platform to two of Johnson's more hawkish advisers, Secretary of State Dean Rusk and National Security Advisor Walt Whitman Rostow. Though some of Humphrey's advisors counseled him to defy the lame-duck president, Humphrey resignedly stated: "Well, it would not look like an act based on principle or conviction; it would seem like a gimmick. It would seem strange. And it would enrage the president." The platform that Humphrey had written on Johnson's dictation was intended to be introduced onto the floor of the convention at the end of Day 2 — well after midnight — before Donald Peterson, the manager of Senator McCarthy's campaign in Wisconsin and the head of the Wisconsin delegation, motioned to adjourn the convention and platform fight until the next day. A supporter of the minority plank, he stated his desire for the viewing public to see the debate and for the plank to be debated with full energy. Convention chairman Carl Albert claimed the motion to adjourn was not a recognized motion and declared Peterson out of order. The exhausted delegates on the floor rallied behind the adjournment motion and began chanting "let's go home!", leading to Mayor Daley taking to a microphone and calling for the removal of people in the rafters whom he mistakenly believed to be responsible for the uproar. When this failed to quell the enthusiasm, Daley took to the mic again, now to second the adjournment motion; Daley was not declared out of order, and the mayor's motion was recognized by chairman Albert. When the plank was finally introduced, it prompted a passionate three-hour long floor debate as anti-war Democrats obstinately objected. The platform was passed with 1,567 delegates (60%) voting for the platform and 1,041 (40%) voting against. Complicating the election was the third party candidacy of Alabama governor George Wallace, who ran on a white supremacist platform promising to undo the changes of the Civil Rights Movement. Conservative whites in the South had long voted as a bloc for the Democrats, but in the 1960s many were starting to move away from the Democratic Party. Nixon had embarked on his Southern strategy of wooing conservative Southern whites over to the Republicans, but Wallace, more extreme on racial questions than was possible for Nixon, threatened to preempt the Southern strategy. Johnson had wanted Humphrey to nominate as his running mate a conservative white Southern Democrat who might prevent Southern whites from voting for Wallace or Nixon, bringing back one of the most loyal Democratic voting blocs of the past century. However, over the protests of liberals, Humphrey did not resist Johnson's decision to seat several all-white delegations from several Southern states despite the complaints that Black Americans (and in the case of the Texas delegation, Mexican-Americans) had been systematically excluded. Though Johnson had publicly dropped out of the presidential election, he entertained thoughts of re-entering it. He sent his friend and colleague, Texas Governor John Connally, to meet with other southern Democratic governors attending the convention to inquire if they would be willing to support nominating Johnson. He also called up Kennedy to discuss his plans, but Kennedy, who was suffering from depression after the recent assassination of his brother Robert, was not interested. The loss was perceived to be the result of Johnson and Daley influencing behind the scenes. The nomination was watched by 89 million Americans. As a sign of racial reconciliation, Humphrey had intended for his nomination to be seconded by a speech by Carl Stokes, the Black mayor of Cleveland, Ohio. Gallery of candidates File:1964 Portrait Eugene McCarthy (cropped2).jpg|alt=| File:Robert F Kennedy cropped.jpg|alt=| File:George McGovern (D-SD) (3x4-1).jpg|alt=| File:Hubert Humphrey in New York, 1968 (3x4 crop1).jpg|alt=| File:Channing Phillips at his desk at the NEH.jpg|alt=| File:Dan K. Moore.jpg|alt=| File:Edmund Muskie 1968 DNC.jpg|alt=| File:Julian Bond (48591893556).jpg|alt=| First ballot ==Richard J. Daley and the convention==

in Lincoln Park, Chicago, attending a Yippie organized event approximately north of the convention center. The band MC5 can be seen playing. The convention's host, Mayor Richard J. Daley of Chicago, intended to showcase his and the city's achievements to national Democrats and the news media. Instead, the proceedings became notorious for the large number of demonstrators and the use of force by the Chicago police during what was supposed to be, in the words of Yippie activist organizers, "A Festival of Life." The disturbances were well publicized by the mass media, with some journalists and reporters being caught up in the violence. Network newsmen Dan Rather, Mike Wallace, and Edwin Newman were assaulted by the police while inside the convention hall. Preparation The Democratic National Convention had been held in Chicago twelve years earlier. Daley had played an integral role in the election of John F. Kennedy in 1960. On October 7, 1967, Daley and Johnson had a private meeting at a fund raiser for Johnson's re-election campaign, with an entry fee of one thousand dollars per plate (approximately $9,200 in 2025 dollars). During the meeting, Daley explained to the president that there had been a disappointing showing of Democrats in the 1966 congressional races, and the president might lose the swing state of Illinois with its 26 electoral votes if the convention were not held there. Johnson's pro-war policies had already created a great division within the party; he hoped that the selection of Chicago for the convention would eliminate further conflict with opposition. The DNC head for selecting the location was David Wilentz of New Jersey, who gave the official reason for choosing Chicago as, "It is centrally located geographically which will reduce transportation costs and because it has been the site of national conventions for both Parties in the past and is therefore attuned to holding them." The conversation between Johnson and Daley was leaked to the press and published in the Chicago Tribune and several other papers. In preparation, Daley had walls erected along the roads to the Amphitheatre through his own neighborhood of Bridgeport to obscure from sight rundown housing in the neighborhood. Daley's fear of the protestors Ten thousand demonstrators gathered in Chicago for the convention, where they were met by 23,000 police and National Guardsmen. Daley later said his primary reason for calling in so many Guardsmen and police was reports he received of plots to assassinate Democratic Party leaders including himself. One of Daley's aides told the media that the demonstrators were "revolutionaries bent on the destruction of America". The leaders of the Yippies (Youth International Party), Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin, specialized in outlandish, bizarre rhetoric to provoke media attention, and Daley took many of their outrageous threats seriously. Daley and the media Daley's heavy-handed security measures incensed the media. Walter Cronkite complained of "a totally unwarranted restriction of free and rapid access to information". CBS News anchorman Walter Cronkite turned his attention towards the area where Rather was reporting from the convention floor. "Gestapo tactics" Ribicoff incident Daley's security measures were so intense that it was not possible to walk across the convention floor without jostling other delegates, which added to the tensions as Democrats fiercely argued about whether to accept Johnson's war plank to the platform. All of it was captured live on national television. 'Pro-war' Democrats challenged the presence of the economist John Kenneth Galbraith, who was serving as the floor manager for McCarthy, and sought to have him expelled. Daley's face flushed with anger while his supporters began to boo Maytag. Daley's response to convention demonstrations Despite attempts to forestall such activity, there were numerous demonstrations on the floor throughout the convention by the disenchanted delegates that Daley was helpless to stop. The head of the Wisconsin delegation, Donald Peterson, spurred one such demonstration when he called at the end of Day 2 for the convention to adjourn until the next morning right before the Vietnam plank was to begin its debate. Daley and the convention chair Carl Albert attempted to resist and shut down the adjournment motion, but when the tired delegates rallied behind the motion, Daley would reverse his opposition and second the motion to adjourn, to which chairman Albert finally relented. Chairman Albert attempted to continue with the convention, but his multiple requests for order in the convention were ignored. Daley also showed noticeable displeasure with the demonstration. The convention sang for over 10 minutes before Chicago alderman and future congressman Ralph Metcalfe was able to recapture the convention's attention to offer memoriam to Martin Luther King Jr. ==Protests and police response==

of the protests and Chicago police and military response to the protests Preparations In 1968, the Yippies and the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam (MOBE) had already begun planning a youth festival in Chicago to coincide with the convention, and other groups such as the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) would also make their presence known. Two SDS leaders, Tom Hayden and Rennie Davis, had planned to keep their protests peaceful, although the lack of permits and threats of violence by the Chicago police made this unlikely to happen. Todd Gitlin, another SDS leader, was highly worried about the potential for violence, and at a speech paraphrased a lyric from "San Francisco (Be Sure to Wear Flowers in Your Hair)", saying: "If you're going to Chicago, be sure to wear some armor in your hair". The mayor announced restrictions on how close protestors could approach the convention, on their numbers, and on their activities, making very clear his hostility to protesters in his city. Over 10,000 people had arrived in Chicago to protest the Vietnam War. Yippie publicity stunts The leaders of the Yippies (Youth International Party), Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin, attempted to provoke authorities by proclaiming: "We are dirty, smelly, grimy and foul...we will piss and shit and fuck in public...we will be constantly stoned or tripping on every drug known to man". Tom Hayden, one of the leaders of the SDS and co-organizer of the protests, was arrested. The next day, what was billed as "Unbirthday Party" for President Johnson was planned to be held in Lincoln Park. The chants of some of the protesters shifted from, "Hell no, we won't go!" to, "Pigs are whores!" Hayden encouraged protesters to move out of the park to ensure that if the police used tear gas on them, it would have to be done throughout the city. The police regained control of the situation after firing tear gas and chased the demonstrators down the streets, beating them with clubs and rifle butts and arresting them. The police responded by shouting, "Get out of here, you cocksuckers!". Aftermath The Chicago Study Team (Walker Report) that investigated the violent clashes between police and protesters at the convention stated that the police response was characterized by: unrestrained and indiscriminate police violence on many occasions, particularly at night. That violence was made all the more shocking by the fact that it was often inflicted upon persons who had broken no law, disobeyed no order, made no threat. These included peaceful demonstrators, onlookers, and large numbers of residents who were simply passing through, or happened to live in, the areas where confrontations were occurring. The Walker Report, "headed by an independent observer from Los Angeles police – concluded that: 'Individual policemen, and lots of them, committed violent acts far in excess of the requisite force for crowd dispersal or arrest. To read dispassionately the hundreds of statements describing at firsthand the events of Sunday and Monday nights is to become convinced of the presence of what can only be called a police riot. and his son future mayor Richard M. Daley) react to Senator Abraham Ribicoff's criticism of the Chicago Police. Reports differ as to whether the elder Daley shouted, "You faker!" or, "Fuck you, you Jew son of a bitch." According to The Guardian, "[a]fter four days and nights of violence, 668 people had been arrested, 425 demonstrators were treated at temporary medical facilities, 200 were treated on the spot, 400 given first aid for tear gas exposure and 110 went to hospital. A total of 192 police officers were injured." Among the 668 people arrested, men outnumbered women almost eight to one, two-thirds of those arrested were ages 18 to 25, and over half lived within 40 miles of Chicago. After the Chicago protests, some demonstrators believed the majority of Americans would side with them over what had happened in Chicago, especially because of police behavior. It was often commented through the popular media that on that evening, America decided to vote for Richard Nixon. and Richard Daley, August 29, 1968 After the convention, which had very publicly exposed the fault-lines between hawkish and dovish Democrats, Humphrey was 22 points behind Nixon in the polls. At this point, Humphrey, who was behind in the polls, saw his numbers began to rise; Nixon was certainly concerned in October 1968 that he might lose the election. By late October 1968, Humphrey had a slight lead with 44% intending to vote for him compared to 43% for Nixon. The election of 1968 was one of the closest ever in American history with Nixon winning 31.7 million votes, Humphrey 31.2 million votes and Wallace 10 million votes. During the trial, the case against Bobby Seale was declared a mistrial, and the Chicago Eight then became the Chicago Seven. Demonstrations were held daily during the trial, organized by the MOBE, the Young Lords led by Jose Cha Cha Jimenez, and the local Black Panther Party led by chairman Fred Hampton. In February 1970, five of the seven defendants were convicted of crossing state lines with intent to incite a riot, and all were acquitted of conspiracy. Froines and Weiner were acquitted on all charges. While the jury was deliberating, Judge Julius Hoffman sentenced the defendants and their attorneys to jail terms ranging from months to 4 years for contempt of court. In 1972, the convictions were reversed on appeal, and the government declined to bring the case to trial again. ==The McGovern–Fraser Commission==

In response to the party disunity and electoral failure that came out of the convention, the party established the Commission on Party Structure and Delegate Selection (informally known as the McGovern–Fraser Commission), to examine current rules on the ways candidates were nominated and make recommendations designed to broaden participation and enable better representation for minorities and others who were underrepresented. The commission documented that in many places in America the Democratic Party was "an autocratic, authoritarian organization" that engaged in the "shameful exploitation of the voter". The commission established more open procedures and affirmative action guidelines for selecting delegates. The changes imposed by the commission required that the number of delegates who were Black, women, Hispanic and between the ages of 18 and 30 reflected the proportion of the people in those groups in every congressional district. The changes brought about by the commission ended the ability of local bosses who headed political machines such as Daley to ensure delegations that were subservient to them attended conventions. ==See also==