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Al Khawalid

Al Khawalid, also spelled Al Khawaled, is a branch of the House of Khalifa, the ruling family of Bahrain. Al Khawalid is most often used to refer collectively to descendants of Khalid bin Ali Al Khalifa, which they are named after. The term also refers to brothers Khalid bin Ahmed Al Khalifa, the Royal Court Minister and Khalifa bin Ahmed Al Khalifa the Commander in Chief of the Bahrain Defence Force. For the purpose of this article, immediate descendants of Khalid bin Ali Al Khalifa will be referred to as "the Khalids", the aforementioned two brothers will be referred to as "the Khawalid brothers" and the family branch collectively as "Al Khawalid".

Nomenclature and genealogy
Al Khawalid, which literally means "the Khalids" is used mostly to refer to descendants of Khalid bin Ali Al Khalifa (1853–1925), the half-brother of Isa ibn Ali Al Khalifa (1848–1932), Bahrain's ruler between 1869 and 1923. They are a branch of the House of Khalifa that had ruled Bahrain since they led a coalition of Sunni tribes that invaded the country in 1783. Khalid, the eponymous forebear of Al Khawalid, was married to four women and had four sons and a daughter that survived him, Ibrahim (b. 1873), Salman (b. 1893), Ali (b. 1900), Najla (1901–39) and Abdulla (b. 1921 or 1922). He also had two other sons who had died by 1900, Ahmed (b. 1874) and an older Ali (b. 1876). The two aforementioned sons of Ateyatalla Al Khalifa along with their half-brothers Salman and Abdulaziz bin Ateyatalla are sometimes included within the Khawalid brothers faction. • Wife of Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa I, Bahrain's ruler (1942–61) • Married to Mariam, sister of Khalifa bin Salman Al Khalifa, Bahrain's Prime Minister (1971–present) • Only wife of Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa, Bahrain's ruler (1961–99) ==History==
History
Administrative reforms Context The history of Al Khawalid dates back to the 1920s when the British were pushing for administrative reforms. The nature of the reforms, sometimes referred to as "reforms of the twenties" was administrative only, leaving out political issues such as legitimacy and public representation. They were mainly focused on reshuffling of public offices and economic resources. By 1921, the country was divided into two camps. The first supporting the reforms was composed of the elder son of the ruler and the heir apparent, Hamad ibn Isa Al Khalifa (1872–1942), the British political agent, Major C. K. Daly (1920–26) and the Shia, who at time composed about half of population. The opposing faction was composed of the ruler, Isa ibn Ali Al Khalifa, his younger son Abdulla, the Khalids and tribesmen of Sunni origin. The heavily taxed Shia were desperate to get rid of the tribal regime and together with Major Daly claimed to be victims of corruption, mismanagement as well as "atrocities and oppression". The opposing faction rejected the reforms on the basis that equity and standardization of law would remove their advantages such as exemption from taxes and sovereignty over estates. A series of pro and anti reform petitions were submitted by the two factions to different British officials including the Foreign Office. However, the situation remained unchanged for two years as the British were hesitating. Role of the Khalids Khalid bin Ali, the Al Khawalid ancestor, was the governor of Riffa and ruled over Sitra and Nabih Saleh islands, and his elder son Ibrahim controlled Jabalat Habashi. The Khalids were known for being hard on the Shia. In 1923, the events took a new turn. Wanting to end the calls for reform, the Khalids and Al Dawasir tribe used armed tactics to intimidate reform supporters. The former's paramilitary forces numbered 100, about 20 percent of the total Al Khalifa manpower, while the latter had about 400 men. Al Dawasir attacked Shia villages of Barbar and A'ali, while the Khalids attacked Sitra island. The attacks resulted in the killing of 12 villagers, burning of several houses and raping of women. The violence settled after Colonel Knox, the British acting Political Resident arrived in Bahrain in two gunships. Knox forced Isa bin Ali to abdicate in favor of his elder son, Hamad. The Khalids had agreed to reduce taxes on residents of Sitra following the visit. However, as soon as Knox had left, taxes were increased again, and Shia residents continued to be subjected to forced labor. The situation prompted some 500 Shia to hold a protest in front of the British Agency demanding a solution to the situation and equal taxation of citizens (several taxes were only imposed on the Shia). Writing for the Journal of Arabian Studies, Justin Gengler argues that the reason behind the involvement of the Khalids was probably their father's ambition to hold a senior position if they succeeded in stopping reforms and placing Abdulla bin Isa as ruler. Gengler added: When in 1869 the British selected Shaikh ʿĪsā bin ʿAlī as the next ruler of Bahrain ... Shaikh Khālid, was obliged to accept the governorship of Rifā ... [he] could hope to gain immensely if the final defeat of the reforms were accompanied ... thereby rectifying the historical accident by which he was sidelined from power more than fifty years earlier. The petitions and political crisis continued to the reign of Hamad (1923–42) who —encouraged by the British— began it by setting up a criminal court to try those involved in the violence including his first cousins, the Khalids. The ruler was put in a dilemma between his tribal alignment and public law, and so he exiled his cousins, but paid their expenses. The Khalids, however, held a deep grudge against residents of Sitra who witnessed against them, and in 1924 attacked the island before their exile, killing several Shia men, women and children. The attackers were sentenced to death following major Shia protests and a lengthy second trial, but managed to escape before the sentence was carried out. Their father was confined to Manama. The trials marked the first time in Bahrain's history that members of the ruling family were convicted. 1924–99 Gradually, the Khalids were pardoned and allowed back to Bahrain after the leaders of the Shia community in Sitra were persuaded that the Khalids would not attack their villages again. Ibrahim bin Khalid, the eldest of the Khalids, who was exiled to Zubarah (Qatar) for 10 years, was convicted in 1929 of being responsible for a failed assassination attempt on the ruler, his first cousin, in 1926. Instead of getting tried, the ruler appointed Ibrahim at his Sakhir Palace. His brother Salman, originally exiled for 10 years, was allowed back in 1928, while Abdulla was probably not exiled as he was an infant when the 1923 and 1924 incidents occurred. Still, the Khalids were kept outside the inner decision-making circle until the reign of Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa (1999–present). They were also kept away from government positions when Charles Belgrave was the adviser of the ruler (1926–57) as "the colonial administration [did] not see fit to re-empower the most militant opponents of [the administrative reforms]," Gengler explained. Other factors that kept the Khalids away from power was their relative lack of efficiency to head the new specialized offices and their self-isolation due to "lingering enmity toward the British as well as to some in the ruling branch of the Āl Khalīfa". They however had personal links with the center of power as two rulers, Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa I (1942–61) and his son Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa (1961–99) had married from them: Latifa bint Ibrahim bin Khalid and Hessa bint Salman bin Ibrahim bin Khalid respectively. The latter is the mother of the current King of Bahrain, Hamad bin Isa. The first return of the Khalids to government was in 1967, when Abdulla bin Khalid was appointed as Minister of Municipalities and Rural Affairs. In 1973, he was given the Ministry of Justice and Islamic Affairs which he kept until a cabinet reshuffle in November 2002. During the 1970s, Abdulla opposed the constitutional reforms that paved the road to the short-lived 1973–5 parliament. He was also critical of the ruling family, highlighting their "rampant economic exploitation" and "expropriat[ion] [of Shia farmers] properties". Abdulla's older brother, Salman was also critical of the ruling family. Salman and his sons however did not head top positions during the reign of Isa bin Salman, either due to refusing such positions or to not being offered them as a result of Salman's criticism of the family. Salman was particularly noted to hate the British and parts of the ruling family. ==Return to power==
Return to power
, King of Bahrain Following the sudden death of his father in March 1999, Hamad bin Isa became the ruler of Bahrain. The new leader's mother, Hessa belonged to the Al Khawalid branch. The ~118% increase is unmatched by any country in the region except for the war-torn Iraq. Bahraini writer Abbas Al-Murshed cited a 2008 royal order that prevented the Parliament from questioning al-Mushīr about the military budget as a sign for the growing influence of the Khawalid brothers. Frederic Wehrey wrote that the Khawalid brothers were now even stronger than the Prime Minister (PM). Nabeel Rajab said that the two were now the de facto rulers of Bahrain. Bahrain Mirror said the Khawalid brothers were so strong that they represented a "new royal family". From sons of Ateyatalla Al Khalifa, Abdulaziz, a security adviser in Prime Minister's Court became the head of NSA (2002–5), Mohamed became the president of Central Statistics Bureau and Royal Court until 2010, Ahmed became Minister of Cabinet Affairs and Director of Central Statistics Bureau until 2011, and Salman became head of Bahrain Defence Force Hospital, later head of King Hamad University Hospital and member of Supreme Council of Health. King of Bahrain and several Al Khawalids declined to comment on the story. However, one of the king's top advisers said to be close to Al Khawalid told the Wall Street Journal that it was exaggerated and it was probably no more than competition for succession of the elderly PM. "This is healthy debate, not a blood vendetta from fairy tales," he added. On one hand the Khawalid brothers faction, led by Khalid bin Ahmed, represent the "hard-liners", while on the other hand, the Crown Prince (CP) Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa is seen as leader of the "moderates", the Los Angeles Times (LAT) reported. According to Jane Kinninmont of Chatham House, the "king is not seen as leaning towards any particular ideology, but as the ruler he is the key person whom the other factions seek to influence". It was previously thought that the PM, Khalifa bin Salman Al Khalifa was the head of the first camp; however in recent years with the rise of the Khawalid brothers, this picture "now appears over-simplistic," Kinninmont added. The Economist Intelligence Unit mentioned that the royal family was now split into three factions, one led by the CP, one led by the PM and one led by the Khawalid brothers. Khalil al-Marzooq of Al Wefaq supported the aforementioned statement and named Khalid bin Ahmed as head of the third faction. Before the 2011 uprising, the Khawalid brothers had tense relations with the PM and both sides hated each other. Bahrain Mirror reported that the PM has expressed his hate for the Khawalid brothers several times to the audience of his council and refused to cooperate with ministers under their influence such as Ahmed bin Ateyatalla. However, following the start of the uprising, their relations are reported to have been improved. One of the strategies of the alleged conspiracy was to naturalize Sunnis in order to re-shift the demographic balance. Other strategies included stroking sectarianism in the media, use of GONGOs and rigging the parliamentary election. The report named Ahmed bin Ateyatalla as head of the conspiracy by leading an "underground network" that aims "to override the legal legitimacy, falsify popular will and vilify civil organizations". The latter was described as being an "influential hardliner" and a "protégé" of Khalid bin Ahmed. A total of US$2.65 million was reportedly dispersed to various contributors. The report said the origins of the conspiracy stemmed from a secret study by an Iraqi academic in 2005 that recommended marginalizing the Shia to the government. Al Bandar was deported and his report banned from any mention in the media and Parliament. Ateyatalla denied the allegations and called them "an Iran-backed effort to destabilize Bahrain". The government however charged Al Bandar in absentia with "possessing stolen government documents". Kinninmont said the charge "only added to perceptions that the documents were credible". She added that the claim gained more credence in 2008 when the government published new demographic data which showed that over 70,000 were naturalized in the previous seven years. The Los Angeles Times said Al Bandar report was the first evidence "of government support for Sunni extremists". ==Bahraini uprising==
Bahraini uprising
Context in February 2011 Inspired by popular uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, protesters in Bahrain took to the streets in a "Day of Rage" on 14 February 2011. Security forces responded by firing tear gas, rubber bullets, sound bombs and birdshot into the crowd of protesters, killing one of them. The next day another protester was killed and thousands of demonstrators occupied Pearl Roundabout in the capital Manama. On 17 February, authorities launched a pre-dawn raid on protesters makeshift camp in Pearl Roundabout, which left four protesters dead and more than 300 injured. The following day, army forces stationed in the Pearl Roundabout fired live ammunition on hundreds of protesters who tried to re-occupy the site. At least 120 protesters were hurt and one was fatally wounded, bringing the number of deaths to seven. The CP offered dialogue with opposition parties. On 19 February, tens of thousands of protesters re-occupied Pearl Roundabout after the army was ordered to withdraw. In March, martial law was declared and Saudi troops were called in. Despite the hard crackdown and official ban, the protests continued. Role of the Khawalid brothers The divisions within the royal family of Al Khalifa came to public during the uprising. The king with his elder son and heir apparent, Salman were responding positively to U.S. pressure to compromise with the opposition, while the Khawalid brothers preferred crackdown. In February and March 2011, the CP was authorized by his father to lead "semi-secret" negotiations with the opposition in which he offered them "historic concessions, including a bigger share in parliament." The cabinet reshuffle also introduced Majeed Al Alawi, an adviser to the CP as Minister of Housing. According to sources interviewed by the WSJ, the Khawalid brothers rejected the CP deal, which led to a "confrontation between the crown prince and the Royal Court Minister at a family meeting". According to same sources, Khalid bin Ahmed then went to Saudi Arabia and convinced their king to oppose the deal secured by the CP. He said that the Bahraini uprising was "by all measures a conspiracy involving Iran with the support of the United States". He also said that the uprising which he called a "coup plot" was supported by more than a dozed of U.S.- and an unnamed Gulf country-funded NGOs. In later days, Bahrain was engulfed in the Khawalid brothers-led-crackdown with almost daily clashes between security forces and opposition activists. The crackdown was the widest against the opposition in Bahrain's modern history; dozens of protesters were killed, some due to torture in police custody. Thousands of Shia were expelled from their jobs and dozens of their mosques were demolished. Professor Michael Hudson said that the "crackdown mark[ed] the victory of the hard-liners within the royal establishment". The NSA, then led by a member of Al Khawalid branch, Khalifa bin Abdulla Al Khalifa, played an important role in crackdown. It was found by the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI) that the NSA had executed hundreds of arbitrary arrests during which they used "unnecessary excessive force", "terror-inspiring behaviour" and damaged properties. The BICI also found that NSA had subjected detainees to systematic torture which led to the death of four detainees, among them journalists Karim Fakhrawi and Zakariya al-Ashiri. Following the release of the BICI report, Khalifa bin Abdulla was removed from his position and given the positions of king adviser and Secretary General of the Supreme Defense Council. According to Kinninmont, "he is believed still to be closely involved with the agency". Martial law was lifted on 1 June and was followed by a call from the king to a national dialogue. The failure of the dialogue had only served to deepen the divide between the Al Khalifa branches, Ulrichsen wrote. According to Kinninmont and WSJ sources, the CP was sidelined as his allies were removed from their influential positions and his "de facto parallel cabinet" (known as the Economic Development Board) was stripped from its powers. The Khawalid brothers influence had increased even more after the uprising. Ateyatalla, who had lost his cabinet position during the early days of the uprising was now appointed Minister of Follow Up at the Royal Court. The CP finally called for a renewed dialogue in December, yet his speech "contained generous nods to the Khawalid [brothers'] influence". Al-Mushīr's spokesman tweeted that participants in the talks were "donkeys" and warned that any concession would amount to a "coup". The appointment of CP as Deputy PM in March raised some hopes; it was welcomed by Mansoor al-Jamri and a "moderate" government adviser. "This is an important step that could represent the starting point for meaningful reform later on," al-Jamri said. Christopher Davidson cautioned that the move can be used as a public relations stunt. "[W]hether this is a meaningful political concession remains to be seen," he added. ==Ideology and political allies==
Ideology and political allies
Anti-West conservatives According to Freedom House, the Khawalid brothers represent and promote "an ideological orientation that sees Bahrain as the target of Iranian-and Western-backed conspiracies to empower Bahraini Shiites at the expense of the ruling family and other Gulf Sunnis". The U.S. toppling of Sunni leaders in Afghanistan (Taliban) and Iraq (Saddam Hussein), and its relative military inaction towards nuclear-ambitious Iran have only deepened the Khawalid brothers ideology, which is already rich with the experience of the 1920s British-driven administrative reforms that came at their expense. In an interview with al-Rai Kuwaiti newspaper, Al-Mushīr considered the Arab Spring movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain and Libya to be a "Western conspiracy". He only acknowledged the Syrian civil war as true popular revolution and hinted that GCC troops may get involved there. "If Iran's mercenaries are not defeated in Syria, they will come to us in the Gulf," he added. Saeed al-Shehabi of the London-based Bahrain Freedom Movement said the UK preferred to deal with moderates instead of the Khawalid brothers. "But the Khawalid [brothers] get their support from Saudi Arabia which has left the British in a sort of limbo," he added. Sectarianism In 1995, one year after the start of the Shia-led 1990s uprising in Bahrain, Khalid bin Ahmed publicly distributed a "politically charged poem" that contained "racist and hateful views" of the Shia. One verse of the poem called for "spill[ing] their bloods until they all die", another called for "remov[ing] them from every sensitive position". Khalaf said the poem was "part of the tribal-cum-ethnic-cum-political mobilization and counter mobilization". According to Michael Field, Khalid "[h]as reputation for being very hard on the Shias". The opposition said that sectarian groups were mainly supported by Khalid bin Ahmed, who they considered "particularly potent and harmful". A Congressional Research Service report mentioned that the Khawalid brothers "are considered disparaging of and implacably opposed to compromise with the Shiites". ==Analysis==
Analysis
Gengler argued that King Hamad's empowerment of the Khawalid brothers was not because he was unaware of their anti-reform ideology and actions, nor was it due to him being a wolf in sheep's clothing. Instead Gengler wrote that King Hamad probably wanted to counter the influence of his uncle, the strong un-elected PM, Khalifa bin Salman who was an "effective co-ruler" between 1971 and 1999. Gengler concludes that the rise of the Khawalid brothers "owes therefore to a combination of personal relationships, shared background in the military, and political expediency". Other explanations Gengler offered include that "[King Hamad] simply never took an interest in ruling" and instead occupied himself with "recreation and hobbies" or that he had begun the security approach in parallel with reforms as a "precautionary measure" in case they failed. Bahrain Mirror mentioned that the king has delegated "[a]uthority and affairs of the state" to the Khawalid brothers "to fully manage them as they wish". Gwynne Dyer wrote that as long as Al Khalawid remained in power "there will be no compromise, even though more than 80 Shia protesters have already been killed". Writing for Bahrain Mirror, Bahraini researcher Yousif Makki argued that the role of the Khawalid brothers was amplified and that they did not constitute a faction of their own. Instead Makki said they were within the faction led by the PM. On the other hand, Bahraini writer Abbas Busafwan argued that the Khawalid brothers are the king's crew and allegations made against them, including Al Bandar report are no more than the king's own projects. He argued that the early reforms initiated by the king (known as "the reform project") only aim was "re-concentrating power in his hand, away from the PM, and not for the creation of a popular partnership and a democratic life". Busafwan added that Khalid bin Ahmed and Ahmed bin Ateyatalla were responsible for the formation and implementation of what he called the "Hamad strategy". He did not conciser the CP a moderate, instead he said the CP was "unable to form a balance with the powerful Al-Khawaled". ==Notes==
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