Role in politics The Algerian military
elite has played a dominating role in
Algerian politics ever since independence in 1962, when the army emerged as the only effective powerbroker in a shattered political landscape dominated by weak and competing political factions. At the end of the war of independence, a split developed between the National Liberation Army and the
Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (GPRA). The GPRA was set up in 1958 to represent the National Liberation Front abroad, mobilise the funds needed to organise the underground movement and support the refugees who had fled to Morocco and Tunisia. But it was the general staff of the ALN that was actually in charge of the revolution. When the war ended, it "dismissed" the GPRA and took over the running of the new state. After independence in 1962, the Army, led by
Houari Boumediène, backed
Ahmed Ben Bella to become president. Recognizing the role that the military played in bringing him to power, Ben Bella appointed senior officers as ministers and other important positions within the new state, including naming Boumediène as the defence minister. Just three years later, Boumediène deposed Ben Bella in a coup, which also saw the former take power and the National Assembly replaced by the Revolutionary Council to oversee the development of state structures. The Council was set up by 26 military officers, including
Chadli Bendjedid and
Abdelaziz Bouteflika, and it gradually entrenched the military establishment as the founders and the backbone of the Algerian regime. Despite the influence of the army that time was limited due to state and army leadership were joined under Boumediène's highly authoritarian presidency, after his death in 1978, the role of the military in politics started to grow from the late 1970s. The Ministry of Defence took over administrative control of the government after Boumediène fell ill. After Boumediène's death in 1978, the military ensured the continuation of its influence in politics by choosing Colonel
Chadli Benjedid to succeed as the President, as he increasingly relied on the a small number of military advisers for advice. Despite this, factionalization and rivalries within the military and political élites remains a major factor in Algerian politics. After being structured as a politicized "people's army" in the Boumédiène era, and retaining its allegiance to the FLN during the
one-party state years of
Algerian history, the military forces were formally depoliticized in 1988, as a
multi-party system was introduced. This, however, did not end military influence over Algerian politics. It was extremely suspicious of Islamist parties, such as the
Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), and opposed the FIS's legal recognition in 1989. Since most of the officers were trained overseas in states practicing secular laws, such as France and the Soviet Union, they believe Islamism was a threat to state foundations and a threat to the military's interests. Algeria supported the guerrilla
Western Sahara War (1975–1991) against Moroccan control of Western Sahara by the
Polisario Front, a national
liberation movement of
Sahrawi Bedouin exiled in Algeria's
Tindouf Province. Algeria has had longstanding border disagreements with Morocco, due to the non-recognition of the colonial borders by the Moroccan regime. Although now basically resolved, these continue to linger as a factor in the consistently troubled but generally non-violent relations between the two neighboring states. The
Algeria-Morocco border has been closed since 1994. Both countries' armed forces have engaged in costly equipment upgrades in recent years, clearly viewing each other as the principal threat to their sovereignty, and equally reluctant to let the other nation gain the upper hand militarily. By contrast, Algeria's post-independence border disagreements with
Tunisia and
Libya, which were at times a cause for poor relations, both appear to have been peacefully resolved (to its advantage). The Algerian army has also, especially in later years, been very active along the
Algeria-Mali border, where various insurgent movements are based. Algeria has fought only two brief wars and battles after independence (the
Sand War, a border conflict with Morocco in 1963 and the
First battle of Amgala in 1976), but the country is also, like most
Arab nations, formally at war with
Israel since 1948. In 1984, after promoting eight colonels to become the first generals in independent Algeria,
Chadli Benjedid announced the establishment of an ANP general staff. Previously, the armed forces had relied on the secretary general of the
Ministry of National Defence to coordinate staff activities. The previous secretary general of the ministry, Major General
Moustafa Benloucif, was named the first chief of staff. Benloucif had risen quickly in the ANP and was also an alternate member of the FLN Political Bureau. However, he was dismissed in 1986 without explanation; in 1992 the regime announced that Benloucif would be tried for corruption and the embezzlement of US$11 million, which had been transferred to European accounts. Bouteflika sought to reassert the power of the presidency over the largely autonomous armed forces. As Minister of Defence, he nominated new commanders for military regions in August 2004. He also issued a presidential decree creating the position of General Secretary within the Ministry of Defence. Nevertheless, current and retired officers—"le pouvoir"—remain important decision-makers. In order to encourage Algerian military reforms, the U.S. decided to allow Algeria to receive
International Military Education and Training (IMET) funds. Algeria has the largest defence budget in Africa. Historically, Algeria bought weapons and military equipment from the
Soviet Union.
United Press International reported in March 2013 that Algeria was undergoing a process of military modernization, which includes the introduction of new, more modern warships, aircraft, and tanks. On 19 January 2013, Algerian troops killed 32 militant hostage-takers and freed more than 650 hostages held at the
Tigantourine gas facility, situated near in Amenas in the
Illizi Province. Nearly 48 hostages are confirmed to be dead. The kidnappers said the assault on the gas plant was launched in retaliation for
French intervention against Islamist groups in neighboring
Mali. == Composition ==