In 1948, the
California Supreme Court ruled in
Perez v. Sharp (1948) that the Californian anti-miscegenation laws violated the
Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, the first time since
Reconstruction that a state court declared such laws unconstitutional, and making California the first state since Ohio in 1887 to overturn its anti-miscegenation law. The case raised constitutional questions in states which had similar laws, which led to the repeal or overturning of such laws in fourteen states by 1967. Sixteen states, mainly Southern states, were the exception. In any case, in the 1950s, the repeal of anti-miscegenation laws was still a controversial issue in the U.S., even among supporters of
racial integration. In a 1949 essay, following
Perez Vs. Sharp, Edward T. Wright noted eight states where anti-miscegenation laws specified penalties of a year or more in prison, including a provision in Virginia law of "one year in the penitentiary for any Negro registering as a white". Wright noted that interracial marriage remained uncommon and widely disapproved of in Northern states where it was legal, in contrast to widespread fears of "amalgamation" in the South. He observed that such laws existed even where there was little chance of such marriages: :"Though many states which have 'miscegenation laws' have a large population of members of the race prohibited from marrying whites, there are many states which do not." Furthermore, looking at the extent of pre-marital blood tests for
venereal disease, he noted: :"(T)he worst offenders of the states failing to protect their citizens with a good health law are the very states which insist they must protect the health of their citizens by prohibiting interracial marriage." Wright suggested these laws were ineffective even in terms of preventing mixed-race births: :"There might, in fact, be fewer mulatto children if white men having illicit intercourse with Negro women knew they could no longer rest behind a law which said the woman or offspring can acquire none of the rights ordinarily afforded by the law of domestic relations... (I)f the purpose of the laws surveyed has been to prevent inter mixture of blood, it is well to conclude that they have failed to fulfill this purpose." Political theorist
Hannah Arendt was a Jewish refugee from
Nazi Germany, who escaped from Europe during
the Holocaust. In 1958, she published
Reflections on Little Rock, an essay in response to the 1957
Little Rock Crisis. Arendt asserted that anti-miscegenation laws were an even deeper injustice than the
racial segregation of public schools. The free choice of a spouse, she argued, was "an elementary human right": :"Even political rights, like the right to vote, and nearly all other rights enumerated in the Constitution, are secondary to the inalienable human rights to 'life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness' proclaimed in the
Declaration of Independence; and to this category the right to home and marriage unquestionably belongs." Arendt was severely criticized by fellow liberals, who feared that her essay would alarm racist whites and thus hinder the
civil rights movement. Commenting on the Supreme Court's ruling in
Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka against
de jure racial segregation in public schools, Arendt argued that anti-miscegenation laws were more basic to
white supremacy than racial segregation in education. Arendt's analysis echoed the conclusions of
Gunnar Myrdal. In his essay
Social Trends in America and Strategic Approaches to the Negro Problem (1948), Myrdal ranked the social areas where restrictions were imposed by Southern whites on African Americans from the least to the most important: jobs, courts and police, politics, basic public facilities, "social equality" including dancing and handshaking, and most importantly, marriage. His ranking matched the order in which segregation later fell. First, legal segregation in the armed forces, then segregation in education and in basic public services, then restrictions on the voting rights of African-Americans. These victories were ensured by the
Civil Rights Act of 1964. But the bans on interracial marriage were the last to go, in 1967. Most Americans in the 1950s were opposed to interracial marriage and did not see laws banning interracial marriage as an affront to the principles of American democracy. A 1958 Gallup poll showed that 94% of Americans disapproved of interracial marriage. When former president
Harry S. Truman was asked by a reporter in 1963 if interracial marriage would become widespread in the U.S., he responded, "I hope not; I don’t believe in it", before asking, "Would you want your daughter to marry a Negro? She won't love someone who isn't her color." Attitudes towards bans on interracial marriage began to change in the 1960s. Civil rights organizations were helping interracial couples who were being penalized for their relationships to take their cases to the
U.S. Supreme Court. Since
Pace v. Alabama (1883), the U.S. Supreme Court had declined to make a judgment in such cases. But in 1964, the
Warren Court decided to issue a ruling in the case of an interracial couple from Florida who had been convicted because they had been
cohabiting. In
McLaughlin v. Florida, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Florida state law which prohibited cohabitation between whites and non-whites was unconstitutional and based solely on a policy of
racial discrimination. However, the court did not rule on Florida's ban on marriage between whites and non-whites, despite the appeal of the plaintiffs to do so and the argument made by the state of Florida that its ban on cohabitation between whites and blacks was ancillary to its ban on marriage between whites and blacks. However, in 1967, the court did decide to rule on the remaining anti-miscegenation laws when it was presented with the case of
Loving v. Virginia. ==
Loving v. Virginia==