This event caused many moderate Indians to abandon their previous loyalty to the British and become nationalists distrustful of British rule. Dyer reported to his superiors that he had been "confronted by a revolutionary army", to which Major General
William Beynon replied via telegram: "Your action correct and Lieutenant Governor approves." O'Dwyer requested that martial law should be imposed upon Amritsar and other areas, and this was granted by Viceroy
Lord Chelmsford. Thousands were detained in the subsequent days, some being sentenced to penal transportation. According to historian
Harish Puri, at least 115 people were killed by security forces in the days after 13 April. Both
Secretary of State for War Winston Churchill and former Prime Minister
H. H. Asquith, however, openly condemned the attack, Churchill referring to it as "unutterably monstrous" and Asquith calling it "one of the worst, most dreadful, outrages in the whole of our history". In the House of Commons debate of 8 July 1920, Churchill said, "The crowd was unarmed, except with
bludgeons. It was not attacking anybody or anything ... When fire had been opened upon it to disperse it, it tried to run away. Pinned up in a narrow place considerably smaller than
Trafalgar Square, with hardly any exits, and packed together so that one bullet would drive through three or four bodies, the people ran madly this way and the other. When the fire was directed upon the centre, they ran to the sides. The fire was then directed to the sides. Many threw themselves down on the ground, the fire was then directed down on the ground. This was continued to 8 to 10 minutes, and it stopped only when the ammunition had reached the point of exhaustion." After Churchill's speech in the House of Commons debate, MPs voted 247 to 37 against Dyer and in support of the Government. Cloake reports that despite the official rebuke, many Britons still "thought him a hero for saving the rule of British law in India."
Rabindranath Tagore received the news of the massacre by 22 May 1919. He tried to arrange a protest meeting in
Calcutta and finally decided to renounce his British knighthood as "a symbolic act of protest". In the repudiation letter, dated 31 May 1919 and addressed to the
Viceroy of India,
Lord Chelmsford, he wrote "I ... wish to stand, shorn, of all special distinctions, by the side of those of my countrymen who, for their so called insignificance, are liable to suffer degradation not fit for human beings."
Dyer's response and motivation Dyer wrote an article in the
Globe of 21 January 1921, entitled, "The Peril to the Empire". It commenced with "India does not want self-government. She does not understand it." Dyer wrote later that: In his official response to
the Hunter commission that inquired into the shooting, Dyer was unremorseful and stated: "I think it quite possible that I could have dispersed the crowd without firing but they would have come back again and laughed, and I would have made, what I consider, a fool of myself."
Hunter Commission On 14 October 1919, after orders issued by the Secretary of State for India
Edwin Montagu, the Government of India announced the formation of a committee of inquiry into the events in Punjab. Referred to as the Disorders Inquiry Committee, it was later more widely known as the Hunter Commission. It was named after the chairman,
William, Lord Hunter, former Solicitor-General for Scotland and Senator of the College of Justice in Scotland. The stated purpose of the commission was to "investigate the recent disturbances in
Bombay,
Delhi and Punjab, about their causes, and the measures taken to cope with them". The members of the commission were: • Lord Hunter, chairman of the commission • Mr Justice George C. Rankin of Calcutta • Sir
Chimanlal Harilal Setalvad, vice-chancellor of Bombay University and advocate of the Bombay High Court • W.F. Rice, member of the Home Department • Major-General George Barrow, KCB, KCMG, GOC Peshawar Division • Pandit
Jagat Narayan, lawyer and member of the Legislative Council of the United Provinces • Thomas Smith, member of the Legislative Council of the United Provinces • Sardar Sahibzada Sultan Ahmad Khan, lawyer from
Gwalior State • H.C. Stokes, secretary of the commission and member of the Home Department Witnesses were called in Delhi,
Ahmedabad, Bombay, and
Lahore. Although the commission as such was not a formally constituted court of law, meaning witnesses were not subject to questioning under oath, its members managed to elicit detailed accounts and statements from witnesses by rigorous cross-questioning. In general, it was felt the commission had been very thorough in its enquiries. Dyer further reiterated his belief that the crowd in the Bagh was one of "rebels who were trying to isolate my forces and cut me off from other supplies. Therefore, I considered it my duty to fire on them and to fire well". He stated that he did not make any effort to tend to the wounded after the shooting: "Certainly not. It was not my job. Hospitals were open and they could have gone there." Exhausted from the rigorous cross-examination questioning and unwell, Dyer was then released. Over the next several months, while the commission wrote its final report, the British press, as well as many MPs, turned increasingly hostile towards Dyer as the full extent of the massacre and his statements at the inquiry became widely known. Dissenting members argued that the martial law regime's use of force was wholly unjustified. "General Dyer thought he had crushed the rebellion and Sir
Michael O'Dwyer was of the same view", they wrote, "[but] there was no rebellion which required to be crushed." The commission's report concluded that: • Lack of notice to disperse from the Bagh, in the beginning, was an error. • The length of firing showed a grave error. • Dyer's motive of producing a sufficient moral effect was to be condemned. • Dyer had overstepped the bounds of his authority. • There had been no conspiracy to overthrow British rule in the Punjab. The minority report of the Indian members further added that: • Proclamations banning public meetings were insufficiently distributed. • Innocent people were in the crowd, and there had been no violence in the Bagh beforehand. • Dyer should have either ordered his troops to help the wounded or instructed the civil authorities to do so. • Dyer's actions had been "inhuman and un-British" and had greatly injured the image of British rule in India. The Hunter Commission did not impose any penal or disciplinary action because Dyer's actions were condoned by various superiors (later upheld by the Army Council). The Legal and Home Members on the
Viceroy's Executive Council ultimately decided that, though Dyer had acted in a callous and brutal way, military or legal prosecution would not be possible due to political reasons. However, he was finally found guilty of a mistaken notion of duty and relieved of his command on 23 March. He had been recommended for a CBE as a result of his service in the Third Afghan War; this recommendation was cancelled on 29 March 1920.
Reginald Dyer was disciplined by removal from his appointment, was passed over for promotion and was prohibited from employment in India. He died in 1927.
Rioting in Gujranwala Two days after the massacre, on 15 April 1919, riots occurred in
Gujranwala protesting against the killings at Amritsar. Police and aircraft were used against the demonstrators, resulting in 12 deaths and 27 injuries. The officer commanding the
Royal Air Force in India,
Brigadier General N D K MacEwen, later stated that: I think we can fairly claim to have been of great use in the late riots, particularly at Gujranwala, where the crowd when looking at its nastiest was absolutely dispersed by a machine using bombs and Lewis guns.
Compensation British authorities awarded compensation to European subjects following the massacre. Starting in 1920, Indian subjects demanded the same compensation for Indians whose family members were killed or maimed as a result of brute imperial force. They also demanded a statement of regret from British authorities. British authorities initially resisted any form of payment but then agreed fearing political backlash from Indian subjects. British authorities raised the money to compensate Indian families through indemnities and taxes leveraged on Indian subjects. In 1922, the British government settled over 700 claims. The total amount in compensation allocated to Indian families was less than half of what was distributed among nearly a dozen European individuals.
Assassination of Michael O'Dwyer c. 1912 On 13 March 1940, at
Caxton Hall in London,
Udham Singh, an Indian independence activist from Sunam who had witnessed the events in Amritsar and who had been wounded there, shot and killed
Michael O'Dwyer, the lieutenant-governor of Punjab at the time of the massacre, who had approved Dyer's action and was believed to have been the main planner. Some, such as the nationalist newspaper
Amrita Bazar Patrika, made statements supporting the killing. The common people and revolutionaries glorified the action of Udham Singh. Much of the press worldwide recalled the story of Jallianwala Bagh and alleged that O'Dwyer was responsible for the massacre. Singh was termed a "fighter for freedom" and his action was referred to in
The Times newspaper as "an expression of the pent-up fury of the down-trodden Indian People". Reporter and historian
William L. Shirer wrote the next day, "Most of the ... Indians I know [other than Gandhi] will feel this is divine retribution. O'Dwyer bore a share of responsibility in the 1919 Amritsar massacre, in which Gen. Dyer shot 1,500 Indians in cold blood. When I was at Amritsar eleven years after [the massacre] in 1930, the bitterness still stuck in the people there." In fascist countries, the incident was used for anti-British propaganda:
Bergeret, published in large scale from Rome at that time, while commenting upon the Caxton Hall assassination, ascribed the greatest significance to the circumstance and praised the action of Sardar Udham Singh as courageous. The
Berliner Börsen Zeitung termed the event "The torch of Indian freedom". German radio reportedly broadcast: "The cry of tormented people spoke with shots." memorial At a public meeting in
Cawnpore (now Kanpur), a spokesman stated that "at last an insult and humiliation of the nation had been avenged". Similar sentiments were expressed in numerous other places across the country. Fortnightly reports of the political situation in
Bihar mentioned: "It is true that we had no love lost for Sir Michael. The indignities he heaped upon our countrymen in Punjab have not been forgotten." In its 18 March 1940 issue
Amrita Bazar Patrika wrote: "O'Dwyer's name is connected with Punjab incidents which India will never forget." The
New Statesman observed: "British conservatism has not discovered how to deal with Ireland after two centuries of rule. Similar comment may be made on British rule in India. Will the historians of the future have to record that it was not the
Nazis but the British ruling class which destroyed the British Empire?" Singh told the court at his trial: I did it because I had a grudge against him. He deserved it. He was the real culprit. He wanted to crush the spirit of my people, so I have crushed him. For full 21 years, I have been trying to wreak vengeance. I am happy that I have done the job. I am not scared of death. I am dying for my country. I have seen my people starving in India under the British rule. I have protested against this, it was my duty. What greater honour could be bestowed on me than death for the sake of my motherland? Singh was hanged for the murder on 31 July 1940. At that time, many, including
Jawaharlal Nehru and
Mahatma Gandhi, condemned the murder as senseless even if it was courageous. In 1952, Nehru (by then Prime Minister) honoured Udham Singh with the following statement, which appeared in the daily
Partap: I salute Shaheed-i-Azam Udham Singh with reverence who had kissed the noose so that we may be free. Soon after this recognition by the Prime Minister, Udham Singh received the title of
Shaheed, a name given to someone who has attained martyrdom or done something heroic on behalf of their country or religion. == Monument and legacy ==